Poisoned Feather. "Great Reform" without information and other support (part 3)

Poisoned Feather. "Great Reform" without information and other support (part 3)
Poisoned Feather. "Great Reform" without information and other support (part 3)
Anonim

"The law in Russia was imposed on the people by the state, whether he wanted it or not."

(The same LYOKHA)

"I wonder if there is a place on earth where the authorities are interested in the opinion of the people?"

(baudolino)

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Each large city - regional center has its own archive, where documents from the moment of its foundation are stored. In Penza, the building of the state archive is located in an interesting place: on the one hand, there are busy highways, large shops … on the other, there is a place for filming the movie "Stalker-2". You couldn't think of it better. Here you have both an abandoned construction site and railway tracks. But … close to my home. Therefore, I go there very often, as if to work. In the previous chapters, we have provided photographs of a mainly illustrative nature. Now the time has come for meaningful photographs of materials from our archive.

As it was well known even from Soviet history textbooks, the multimillion-dollar mass of Russian peasants greeted the “Great Reform” of 1861 with massive indignation, and the inevitable “moment of disappointment”, which, however, Tsar Alexander II foresaw, did not become a short-term phenomenon, as expected. on the contrary, it stretched out for a very, very long period. And, by the way, again solely through the fault of the government!

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We go up this staircase, go through the turnstile, and then sit in line of people, in my opinion, a few strange ones, busy looking for their genealogies up to the tenth generation, and find ourselves in the reading room, where we are given documents. In this case, these are old newspapers …

Here we must start with the fact that many peasants thought that the tsarist "Regulations of February 19" could not be authentic. They believed that they were forged, that they were "replaced by the landlords," who cunningly concealed the sovereign's "will." "Experts" immediately appeared, claiming that they contained an article to smack anyone who reads the landlord's fake and believed it. Further - more, fake manifestos with the following content went from hand to hand: "During the harvest, don't go to the landowner to work, let him take away the bread with his family" - and even with such "points": "The landowner is left arable land for his family the same as the peasant, but nothing else."

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This is how the filing of the Penza Gubernskie Vedomosti newspaper for 1861 looks like.

It is clear that it was impossible to prove anything to the peasants. They everywhere refused to work for the landlords and did not obey the authorities, and in some places after February 19 they began to rise up in revolts. Some of the most famous were held in the Penza and Kazan provinces. So, in April 1861, the peasants of the Chembarsky and Kerensky districts in the Penza province rebelled. The "root of the revolt" was in the village of Kandeyevka, where about 14 thousand of them revolted. Their performance was called "Kandeyevsky uprising". Moreover, it took place in an unusual way: peasants with a red banner on carts traveled through the villages of the Penza and Tambov provinces and loudly declared: “The land is all ours! We don't go to rent, we won't work for the landowner! " Leonty Yegortsev, who led the speech, stated that the tsar, they say, sent the peasants a "real" letter with their complete liberation from the landlords' power, but they intercepted it, but he, Yegortsev, personally received the tsar's order: "All peasants to get out of landowners free by force, and if someone does not fight back before Holy Easter, he will be cursed."

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And so - the filing of the newspaper for 1864.

Yegortsev was 65 years old, that is, by those standards - a deep old man. He had seen a lot of things in his life and was also an impostor who was called “the Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich” (he had died 30 years earlier, - the authors' note). It is clear that the peasants really idolized Yegortsev.Troikas were sent for him from the neighboring villages, and the most enthusiastic admirers even took the elder by the arms and even carried a bench behind him! The uprising was defeated on April 18 (right before the holiday of "Holy Easter") by troops under the command of the aide-de-camp of the royal retinue A.M. Drenyakin. Many peasants were killed and wounded, hundreds were flogged and exiled to Siberia for hard labor and settlement. Yegortsev himself managed to escape (the peasants fearlessly went to the whip, but did not betray him), but in May 1861 this peasant leader died.

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Well, this is the text of the Manifesto, published on March 15, 1861.

At the same time as Kandeevsky, there was a peasant uprising in the Spassky district of the Kazan province. Up to 90 villages participated in it, and the center was in the village of Abyss. It was taken over by a certain Anton Petrovich Sidorov, a young Penza peasant known as Anton Petrov. He told about the “Regulations” as follows: “land for the landowner - mountains and valleys, ravines and roads and sand and stones, the forest is not a twig; if he crosses a step from his land - drive him away with a kind word, if he disobeyed - cut his head, you will receive a reward from the tsar."

The Kazan nobles were terribly frightened by the uprising and declared Anton Petrov "the second Pugachev". It had to be suppressed by military force, and more than 350 peasants were killed and wounded, and Anton Petrov himself went out to surrender to the tsarist soldiers, holding the text of the "Provisions of February 19" above his head.

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An excerpt from the text of the "Manifesto" is very indicative in its content.

Alexander II, having learned about the execution of the peasants in the Abyss, inscribed on the report submitted to him: “I cannot approve of the actions of Gr. Apraksin ". However, the same Anton Petrov was ordered "to be tried on the basis of the criminal offense and to carry out the sentence immediately," that is, he was a priori doomed to death, after which Petrov was sentenced to death on April 17 and was already shot on the 19th.

On May 15, in the village of Samuylovo in the Gzhatsky district in the Smolensk region, the troops had to attack a crowd of two thousand rebellious peasants who "rushed at the soldiers with frantic enthusiasm, revealing the intention to take their guns from them." The soldiers had to shoot and kill 22 peasants. There were many such examples, which speaks first of all about the unpreparedness of the information support of the “Great Reform”.

But the main reason was … disappointed expectations. The peasants expected more, but they were given much less than what they wanted. In hundreds of compassionate petitions to the Minister of Justice K.I. Palen, Minister of Internal Affairs A.E. They asked Timashev and even to the father-tsar himself to give them "land somewhere", to replace inconvenient lands with comfortable ones, to protect them from the arbitrariness of their bosses. The governors reported to the Minister of Internal Affairs, and he reported to the tsar that almost everywhere the peasants resolutely refused to pay unbearable redemption payments - quitrent, capitation, zemstvo, secular, fines and all other extortions. Since 1870, they refused allotments even those, as they saw a discrepancy between the income from them and the required payments. The Perm peasants even formed a "defaulter sect" which declared it a sin to collect exorbitant taxes from peasants. As a result, the Russian post-reform village in Russia all the time lived in a state of permanent tension, which, of course, undermined the foundations of statehood in Russia.

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Well, and this is a decree of March 5, published only … April 12. No, the government was not in a hurry to inform its subjects about its decisions, it was not in a hurry!

Surprisingly, the authorities did not bother to write such an important document in a simple and understandable language for the peasants, which is why all kinds of misunderstandings constantly occurred while reading it. This led to the fact that not only the "dark peasants", but also the clergy in the same Penza province spoke clearly negatively about the reform.For example, the parish priest of the village of Stepanovka "in an obvious manner and with an insolence that surpasses any boundaries" urged the peasants to disobey their duties towards the landowners. They decided to remove the priest from his flock, and for the edification of everyone else to send him to the Narovchatsky Scanov Monastery for two months with a subscription that he would not enter into the affairs of the landowners. At the same time, he was accused of what he told the peasants that "the corvee is over and the people are free from everything, and the gentlemen are hiding … the decree …".

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To be honest, reading "Vedomosti …" is hard. And not just hard, but very hard. But … but it is an amazing source of information. Firstly, each issue published prices for foodstuffs ("silver"), both the highest and the lowest. That is, having looked through ALL NEWSPAPERS, we will get excellent price dynamics and will be able to compare them with the growth of wages. That is, "Vedomosti …" is an excellent statistic! And by the way, look at the prices.

Many priests have suffered for their long tongue. Known, for example, the decree "on the dismissal of the clergyman Nikolaev for the wrong explanation to the peasants of the village of Seliksa Gorodishchensky district of the Imperial Manifesto of February 19". The case began on April 2, and it was already finished on the 18th, which speaks of a swift and harsh trial, although it’s not clear from the content of the pages from his case how it ended.

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Prices: continued.

Where there is no comprehensive information, there are always rumors. This is an axiom. But it was unknown to the tsarist chiefs, and therefore the "ridiculous rumors" about the peasant reform, "tending to disrupt the peace of the people" all in that Penza province who just did not spread: Andrei Pavlov - a peasant from the village of Chemodanovka; two soldiers chatting, who knows what in the same 1862; an official of the Penza provincial government, Steklov, who was dismissed for four months, and his namesake, the collegiate secretary of the Elanskaya volost, and even … the landowner Emilya Valitskaya, who spread such "outrageous rumors" among the peasants that the authorities even put her in the Chembarsky prison castle! Others got "hot" for this. So, a certain Ivan Shtanov in the village of Mikhailovskoye of the Penza province shouted that "they will not plow, because it is ordered from the Emperor …", that is, he spread rumors. For this, the police chief Shtanov ordered him to be flogged with rods and only by this he brought order to this village.

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Prices for bread and hay.

Now let's see: all the documents say that the Highest Manifesto was communicated to the peasants orally, but they were not allowed to read it themselves. The same rare specimens that fell into their hands, the peasants considered a fake. Why? Because they saw this fateful document in the hands of those people whom they did not trust too much. It is clear that it was impossible to simply physically print such a number of copies of the Manifesto that would be enough, say, for every peasant household. But it is obvious that much more needed to be printed.

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The newspaper wrote in detail about what to do with epizootics, in particular, rinderpest.

And this is where the press should have been involved, right? But this was done for reasons still incomprehensible, with a great delay. So, in "Penza provincial vedomosti" for February 22, where, as always, there was "the first department - the official part", the text of the Manifesto was not. It was published only on March 15, 1861, that is, almost a month later! On March 29, the "Decree of the Government Senate on the organization of committees on the organization of the rural state" appeared. But the "Decree to the Minister of the Imperial Court and Appanages on the termination of the collection of rent and provided the right to acquire estates and land", adopted on March 5, was published on April 12.

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In addition to economic statistics, the newspaper also reported on "Russian antiquities", that is, it described the surviving ancient churches and their structure. Now the description of architectural monuments in half a newspaper is impossible to imagine, but then it was read!

Only in No. 17 of "Penza Provincial Gazette" dated April 19, there were "Rules for the arrangement of the life of peasants who work out work in landlord factories", approved on February 19. On May 3, 1861, an order of the Penza provincial authorities was published that, according to the manifesto on February 19, peasants and courtyards who had come out of serfdom do not need permission from the landowners to marry. And altogether belatedly, namely on June 14, 1861, in the "unofficial part" section they presented a short list of the rights and obligations of peasants and courtyards freed from serfdom. At the same time, the Penza newspapermen are no more to blame for this! Delays of this kind took place throughout the entire territory of the Russian Empire! But then the electric telegraph was already known and used, which means that information could be transmitted very quickly.

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But this is one of the first publicistic materials - "Note" by Dr. Diatropov, in which he castigates cheap vodka and drunkenness that spread after the reform. Here, they say, is one of its consequences!

Someone will say that the authorities still did not understand the power of the printed word. No, I understood. So, in the circular of the department of general affairs addressed to “Mr. Chief of the Penza province” dated November 7, 1861, No. 129 “on the publication of the newspaper“Severnaya Pochta”, it was stated: in cases where it is distorted by news gleaned from unreliable sources. … With the influence that private journals outside the control of the government have gained on the public, outside the circle of general censorship regulations, it is necessary to open the way for the publication of information and opinions that the message can bring general benefit, even if it does not correspond to the one-sided direction of a particular journal. And that is why I could not find a place for myself in it”. "For this purpose … from January 1, 1862, the newspaper" Severnaya Pochta "will be published, which will replace the magazine of the Ministry of Internal Affairs."

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No, what text, how well the doctor writes …

“By notifying your Excellency and adding that there are no binding subscribers in this case. … I will allow myself to hope that you, the Gracious Sire, will not leave to contribute with your influence to the greatest possible distribution of this newspaper in the public. " This was followed by a request to reprint the announcement of the publication of this newspaper and send it around the province, as well as publish it in the newspaper Penzenskie Gubernskiye Vedomosti. Well, then it should be assumed that all officials, without exception, were obliged to subscribe to the "Northern Mail", or even carried out this action on a voluntary-compulsory basis, indicating "it is necessary".

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But this is simply a unique document - the text of the resolution of the Provincial Presence on the prices for male peasant labor and for female labor. And now let's calculate and compare what it cost and compare with the amount of earnings. And it turns out that if the peasant did not carry money to the tavern, then … he could well provide his family with quite a decent food. Although yes - manufactured goods were expensive. A gymnasium cap, for example, something about 1, 50 rubles.

It is indicative, however, that timid sprouts of free-thinking in the same "Penza Provincial News" appeared almost immediately after the start of the "Great Reforms". The fact is that purely journalistic materials began to appear, where the authors reflected on the changes that had taken place and drew conclusions about them, which was absolutely uncharacteristic for the press of the previous period.

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This is a subscription advertisement. As you can see, the publication is promised not only on gray paper, but also on white! And the prices, of course. They are also worth looking at …

So, the Penza city doctor Diatropov in his material "Note" ("Penza Provincial News" January 29, 1864. No.5."Note") wrote that: "In your city walk you notice that in many three-window outbuildings the middle window is being converted into a door, above which a white inscription on a red field is already ready." The author had in mind the drinking establishments opening in the city one after the other with the inscriptions: "Drinking and to take away." This is a very interesting historical evidence: firstly, it shows that after the reform people began to drink more, and, secondly, that after the reforms of 1991 in the city of Penza everything was … exactly the same! A massive alteration of apartments for taverns and pubs began. The only difference was that then the "three-window outbuildings" were being remodeled, and in the 90s (and now it is exactly the same) for pubs, bars, offices and offices, apartments on the ground floors in modern multi-storey buildings were remodeled, and between what was happening then and now there is no difference!

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Well, and this is the cover of the magazine "Reading for Soldiers", the very one about which we promised to tell in more detail. However, what to tell? The magazine file you see was offered for sale for … 80,000 rubles, which is quite indicative. It is significant in the sense that this is really rare and very revealing reading. However, anyone who ordered photocopies of it in the library to them can get acquainted with this magazine. Lenin in Moscow.

Thus, all these examples unambiguously indicate the completely unsatisfactory use of the provincial press in the preparation and in the process of the abolition of serfdom. It turns out that the press fell out of sight of the authorities, as it were, and not just the press, but the official press, because private newspapers and magazines have already tried to make the most of this for themselves. As a result of their efforts, the thesis about the continuous deterioration of the standard of living of the Russian peasantry after the abolition of serfdom turned into an unshakable postulate even before the October Revolution. It was widely used not only by V.I. Lenin, but also such historians as N.N. Pokrovsky and many others, which was very convenient, since it helped to fight the tsarist autocracy.

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Advertising of the magazine in PGV.

“Before 1917, denial or just doubt about pauperization,” writes the modern Russian historian B.N. Mironov, - was considered among the liberal-democratic community as a terrible heresy, since it took away the main argument from the opponents of tsarism in their struggle for political freedoms, influence and power. " But the government fought against such sentiments in society precisely through the printed word and did not think at all about the consequences of this reform as such. But it was clear that it was not enough to free the peasants from serfdom and carry out reforms of the army, court and local government. It was required to teach the peasants to live in a new way, for which to teach them crafts that would give them a sure income. Yes, then every peasant was able to engage in peasant labor, weave bast shoes, make a plow or a harrow, skin a sheep and make a sheepskin coat for himself. But all these products were extremely crude and primitive, and he simply could not do the best. The peasantry lacked such professions as land surveyor, cheese-maker, clerk, bookkeeper, there were no good furriers, shoemakers, tanners, etc., not to mention the artisans of factory production with certain skills.

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Judging by the content, it was a real … encyclopedia of knowledge for the lower ranks. The materials are presented in simple language, written in a very accessible and understandable way. The soldiers had to read this magazine and explain incomprehensible places! That is, the tsarist government in its own way took care of raising the intellectual level of its army and not only taught them to read and write, but also enlightened in the most real way!

Possessing full power in the country, the tsarist government could, long before the reform, in an orderly, “secret” manner, teach all this to peasant youth, that is, in the language of modern times, create a system of vocational training and retraining of personnel. Moreover, such a policy would be quite in line with the "Peter's" tradition of education in Russia, which, by the way, was pointed out by de Barant.A significant stratum of professionally trained peasants, at the very first changes in society, would see them as an opportunity to put their knowledge into practice, and through the opening of their own business, leave the need for “wealthy people”, or even completely change their social status! Of course, such measures would require significant funds, but they would be fully paid off by the subsequent growth of the taxable base due to the general economic development of the country. Alas, neither Alexander II himself nor his ministers could even think about anything like that, apparently considering that what has already been done is enough for Russia. Unfortunately, this was not enough, and even more, it led to the destruction of both the descendants of this sovereign-emperor himself, and Russia as a state with a developing market economy.

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It only cost 3 kopecks to ship the magazine throughout the Empire. Also, applications were issued to it - for example, scenarios of performances for … soldier's theaters! However, not only soldiers could subscribe to it, that's what is interesting. The advertisement was given in the newspaper “Penzenskie gubernskie vedomosti! And finally, the last thing is the price. For 1860, it cost 3 rubles 10 kopecks with the delivery of all six issues. On the one hand, there seemed to be a lot, but on the other hand, it was quite feasible for many Russians of that time.

Yes, the tsarist government quite effectively counteracted rumors of reform that arose and circulated among the peasants, but it did so only by police methods. The progress of the reforms was practically not covered in the provincial press. Neither the “enthusiastic responses” of the peasants in the localities were organized, nor were there any reports from the villages about the progress of the reform, not to mention the completely loyal interviews with the landlords and peasants. But all this can and should have been done! But the provincial "gazetteers" themselves did not have enough intelligence or imagination for this, and no one ordered them from above!

Poisoned Feather. "Great Reform" without information and other support (part 3)

This is how the "Penza Diocesan Gazette" looked like.

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But I found this book among the pre-revolutionary editions on the shelf of newspaper periodicals in the archive, and no one knows how it got there. So far, I have not even had time to look through it. Most likely, it is something ecclesiastical. But I was impressed by its cover, how skillfully were they able to finish such books at that time?

In this sense, the publications in the Penza Eparchial Vedomosti newspaper looked quite different. As it should be, they preached peace and tolerance, and in such a way that it has not lost its relevance to this day. “Extremes in political opinions produced, on the one hand, the famous book of Machiavelli, and on the other, Rousseau's Social Contract. These writings can be considered opposite points of the circle described by the political sciences around the religious doctrine of the state structure. Judgments about the civic life of peoples will not be freed from gross delusions as long as the publicists set the sole goal of social pleasures and the comforts of life, instead of spiritual improvement. And it is ridiculous to think that the struggle between the authorities and estates can lead to an equilibrium favorable for civic consciousness,”wrote Pavel T. Morozov in his article“Fixed stars and planets of the spiritual world”in the unofficial part of this newspaper dated July 1, 1866. Today this point of view of his is taking on a rebirth. And even being removed from us for 150 years, this truth has not lost its significance, as well as the entire historical experience of the "Great Reforms" of the 19th century.

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