The unification of Eastern Rumelia with the principality of Bulgaria on September 6, 1885 radically changed the balance of forces in the Balkan Peninsula and provoked a reaction not only from the Ottoman Empire, but also from neighboring countries. Greece announces immediate mobilization, stating that it will enter Turkish territory and annex parts of Macedonia as compensation. Romania seeks expansion in South Dobruja. Serbia is categorically opposed to the unification, which claims hegemony over the Slavic population of all the Balkans. On September 9th Serbia announces the mobilization of reserve ranks in order to "preserve the balance" in the Balkan Peninsula, established by the Berlin Congress (1878).
The connection is in violation of the Berlin Treaty. The recognition of the connection is an international act. Bulgarian diplomacy is faced with serious problems.
On September 9, Prince Alexander I of Batenberg notifies the representatives of the Great Forces in Sofia that he took control of southern Bulgaria. This is the first Consolidation Note drawn up by the government, but signed by the prince. It recognizes the sultan's overlordship and assures that the Unification is not a hostile intent towards the empire. At the same time, the note expresses the firm confidence and readiness of the people to defend the cause of unification from foreign encroachments.
The first diplomatic recall comes from London. Lord Salisbury, thinking that the Plovdiv events are the intrigues of Russian diplomacy, on the 7th proposes that Vienna and Berlin make a stern remark to the Bulgarian government about the need for strict observance of the articles of the Berlin Treaty. Bismarck, striving to preserve the "European concert" against all odds, replies that these actions will have any meaning if they are carried out jointly by the forces that signed this treaty. In a conversation with the British envoy in Berlin, he adds that he has already entered into communication with Petersburg, Vienna and Istanbul, since the interests of the governments of these capitals are most affected by the Rumelian events.
The first news of the Plovdiv revolution makes a great impression in the capital of the empire. At first, Porta thinks that this is some kind of military-political demonstration against the personality of the Governor-General. Later, on the night of the 6th, the Grand Vizier realizes the natural course of events and makes a request to the embassy about the opinion of the Great Powers on the present revolutionary situation in Rumelia. The messengers answer unanimously that they do not approve of this situation, but they cannot add anything. The Sultan is in great hesitation: on the one hand, he sees that if his troops enter Rumelia, the Bulgarians can expand the revolutionary movement, including Macedonia, from where it will go to other European parts of the empire, where the Bulgarian population lives; on the other hand, his inaction may diminish the prestige of the caliph in the eyes of the Islamic world, who, according to sharia, should not yield an inch of Islamic land without a fight.
However, there follows a quick and energetic reaction from Russia and all the Great Powers about the non-intervention of the Ottoman Empire in Rumelia. Nelidov declares to the Grand Vizier that the appearance of at least one Turkish soldier in Rumelia will have disastrous consequences for the Port. Under this threat, the Porta sends out one district note in which it abandons the idea of military intervention. Referring to the rights given to it by the Berlin Treaty (to establish the status quo by military force), Turkey declares that this time it refrains, meaning the dangerous situation in which the region is located. The note is written in a very moderate form and does not contain any censure of the prince. This special attention of the suzerain to the vassal, who plundered an entire region, was probably the result of a cunning and complete reverence for the telegram that Prince Alexander sent to the sultan from Plovdiv. This shows the peaceful mood of Abdul Hamid. The change in the grand vizier gives this peacefulness an even more tangible expression.
It is clear to the great powers that Turkey will not want to regain its rights with the help of arms, but they are worried that the revolutionary wave will spill over into Macedonia, and it is clear to all the cabinets that Austria-Hungary will not remain cold-blooded with the Bulgarian influence on the province, which it considers exclusively a sphere their influence. (Austria sharpens its teeth on "access to the warm seas", namely the port of Solun, or Thessaloniki in Greek.)
Having received the news of the uprising in Rumelia, Count Kalnoki telegraphed Baron Kalice to Istanbul to force Porto to take measures to preserve the Macedonian border (from the side of Rumelia). The German envoy, like Nelidov, demanded that Turkey not allow embarrassment in her European dominions. Kalnoki proposes, with the help of the consuls of the Great Forces in Plovdiv, to issue a warning to Prince Alexander that Europe will not allow the Bulgarian seizure of Macedonia.
The prince needs no such warning. He himself had told one agent before that that if there was any riot in Macedonia, Austria would restore order there, and her intervention would be fatal for the independence of the Balkan peoples.
The opinion of the extreme Bulgarian patriots is different. The newspaper “Macedonian Glas” published an appeal to all Bulgarians in Macedonia to “stand as one”, and on the 11th Karavelov was forced to send a telegram to Zakhari Stoyanov in Plovdiv: “Macedonian volunteers go to Plovdiv to take their guns and go to Macedonia. Take the strictest measures to ensure that no volunteer travels to Macedonia.”
The Bulgarian government believes that the best way out of the crisis is some kind of agreement with Porta. On September 21, Prince Alexander sends Dr. Chomakov and Yves. Petrov to Istanbul with the task of convincing Porto in the person of the Grand Vizier to recognize the Union.
In the capital of the empire, these delegates are greeted as representatives of the rebels:
On the first evening, they are kept arrested in the Konak (palace) of the police prefect, then they are placed under police surveillance.
Dr. Chomakov's extensive connections with diplomatic representatives at the Sultan's court relieve Prince Alexander of the embarrassment of seeing his representatives persecuted. They are finally received by the Grand Vizier, who apologizes for what happened. The British still assure the Bulgarian government not to despair, and White is putting pressure on Kamil Pasha.
The Bulgarian government was ready for some compromises. As early as September 27, the official representative of Bulgaria in Vienna, Nachovich, informs Count Kalnoki that under pressure from the British diplomatic agent, Prince Alexander will accept a personal connection on the condition that some changes will be made to the Organic Charter of the region.
Personal connection (as insisted on by English diplomacy) meant that the prince would be the Wally of the privileged formal Turkish vilayet under the already hated domination of Eastern Rumelia.
After a stormy revolutionary euphoria, this, of course, was a great disappointment, but the prince saw no other way to save the situation.
This big compromise does not resolve the crisis. Perhaps this calmed Porto, but Serbian claims remained, from which the greatest dangers came.
Bulgaria faced a dilemma: to abandon the Union altogether or to cede some of its western regions to the Serbs.
The Plovdiv revolution, of course, affected the interests and ambitions of the Great Powers, but basically it was a blow to the rest of the young Balkan states. Bulgaria almost doubled its territory and became the largest state on the Balkan Peninsula against the agonizing Ottoman Empire, according to the then concepts, as a contender for the largest inheritance. Before such a prospect, the Rumelian question faded into the background - the balance was disturbed (again, in the terminology of that time) in the Balkans.
Of all the neighbors of Bulgaria, Romania was the quietest. The Romanians declare that they do not care about the Rumelian events, since they do not consider themselves a Balkan nation and even cancel their big autumn maneuvers, although due to the disputes in the summer of 1885 about Arabia, Cantacuzin was ready to start a war. The main motive of the Romanian policy is the independence of Bulgaria from St. Petersburg, since Romania at this moment is oriented towards Austria-Hungary and Germany.
Greece welcomes the events of Plovdiv with great indignation. The Greeks consider Rumelia to be their zone of influence even before the Berlin Congress (Megali-idea). They accept the Unification as an infringement of Hellenism. Since Bulgaria is too far away to attack, the Greeks want their government to attack in Macedonia. That is, Greece also hoped for territorial expansion at the expense of the Ottoman Empire, which is looked at with caution in Europe.
In Serbia, King Milan has been tied to Vienna by a secret treaty since 1881.
The old Serbian patron and ally (Russia) after the wars of 1875-1878 showed by the Treaty of San Stefano that he considers Serbian interests to be of secondary importance. The Slavic Empire, according to Milan, fought for the creation of a “Great Bulgaria” to the detriment of Serbian interests.
Back at the Berlin Congress, the Serbian representative Joan Ristic, in order to preserve the newly annexed territories (Pirot and the settlements inhabited by ethnic Bulgarians around it), was forced to sign a trade agreement with Austria-Hungary, in which he pledged to build a railway to the Turkish border. In the long term, this would serve to accelerate the development of the Serbian economy, but at this point it was only a way to make Serbia dependent on the Austrian economy. Milan was sincerely convinced that if Russia supported Bulgaria, Serbia should cooperate with Austria-Hungary. Milan had great distrust of the Montenegrin prince Nikola Petrovic-Niyogos as a rival in the leadership of the Serbs. Greece in previous wars with Turkey proved to be an unfaithful friend. In Bulgaria, he sees an undeservedly awarded participant and future rival. “I consider Great Bulgaria, which is approaching close to the San Stefano borders, a coffin for Serbia,” the king said to the Austrian envoy in Belgrade. In 1881 (08.16.1881), a secret convention was signed with Austria-Hungary, in the second paragraph of which it is indicated that Serbia will not support any policy or participate in actions against the interests of Austria-Hungary, including in the areas under Austrian occupation (Bosnia and Herzegovina and Novopazar Sandjak). In return, Austria-Hungary recognizes the proclamation of Serbia as a kingdom and pledges to help Serbia expand to the south. Clause 7 reads: "If, by coincidence … Serbia gets the opportunity to expand southward (excluding Novopazarski Sandzak), Austria-Hungary will not oppose this …" On the other hand, Serbia is obliged not to sign agreements with any governments without prior consultation with Austria-Hungary.
The following year, Serbia is declared a kingdom, and Emperor Franz Joseph becomes the first to recognize Milan as King of Serbia.
King Milan quickly decides to go to war "without risks" and travels to Vienna, where he declares to the Emperor and Count Kalnoki that he will immediately attack Bulgaria.
The Emperor and Kalnoki, who still do not know about the Union, whose business it is and what is Russia's participation in this, advise Milan not to rush. He is inclined to wait, but no more than 5 days, and on condition to start mobilization immediately. Franz Joseph agrees to mobilization without asking Kalnoki's opinion, who even wants to resign on this matter. Milan is telegraphing from Vienna to its government to begin mobilization. Count Kalnoki's position is resolutely against the attack on Bulgaria. He even predicts to the Serbian Prime Minister that if there is such a war, Serbia will be defeated. Of all the conversations in Vienna, Milan accepts only the idea of territorial compensation for Serbia and promises to wait until he sees what will be the result of the negotiations between the Great Powers.
The negotiations are proceeding slowly due to the artificial inhibition of them by the British, whose envoy either does not have instructions or gives new arguments. In the end, a declaration was created, which in general phrases invites Bulgaria, Serbia and Turkey to adhere to international treaties.
This vague rhetorical document does not make the proper impression in any of the capitals. The situation is getting serious. In Nis, Milan announces to the Turkish representative Kamal-bey that if one Serbian soldier, even half a soldier, is wounded by the Bulgarians, his personal honor will be affected, and he will immediately launch a victorious offensive at the head of his troops. The Turkish diplomat tried to console the king in a curious way: they say, look, the wisdom of the Sultan, who, although robbed by an entire province, does not lose his composure and composure. Good advice, but Milan did not follow it.
On October 24, 1885, the Great Forces convened a conference of envoys in Constantinople (Istanbul), the main task of which is sanctions on the Bulgarian issue. During meetings, each country puts forward its positions. There is no expected violent reaction from Turkey, but the surprise for the Bulgarians was the position of Russia, which categorically opposed itself to the Union and offered to resolve the issue painlessly, restoring the situation as it was before September 6th. Three days after the act of Unification, Russia withdraws its officers from the army of the principality and from the Rumelian militia, and also orders the Minister of War (Major General Mikhail Alexandrovich Kantakuzin) in the government of P. Karavelov to resign. Russia's position is, in essence, understandable and logical. Russia fears that, among other things, this is a conspiracy of anti-Russian forces in Bulgarian society. The overthrown Directorate (government of Rumelia) of the People's Party and the regional governor G. Krastevich were Russophiles, in contrast to the Liberal Party, which stood behind the BTTSRK (Bulgarian Secret Revolutionary Committee).
The success of the Union strengthens the position of Alexander I of Batenberg, disapproved by Petersburg (i.e., Alexander III). Following their interests, Germany, France and Austria-Hungary oppose the Union.
Contrary to expectations, England, which was initially opposed, changes its mind after listening to Russia's position. British diplomacy sees in this situation a favorable moment for weakening Russian influence in Bulgaria and for strengthening its own positions, thus expanding its sphere of influence in the Balkans. Meanwhile, Serbia and Greece are provoking powerful anti-Bulgarian propaganda.
Without waiting for the results of the conference, on November 2, 1885, King Milan declares war on Bulgaria. On September 9th, Serbia announced the mobilization of reserve ranks, which was completed on the 12th. The Serbs are ready to recognize the Union if Bulgaria gives them the allegedly Serb-populated cities of Vidin, Tryn and Radomir. On the 27th, Serbian troops tried to cross the border near Tryn, but they were pushed back. A month after that, a second border provocation follows. Bulgaria protests before the Great Powers, but to no avail. Serbia starts the war under the pretext of attacking the Serbian areas of the Bulgarian troops.
On the same day, Alexander I Batenberg publishes a manifesto:
MANIFESTO OF PRINCE ALEXANDER I BATENBERG ON THE START OF THE WAR BETWEEN SERBIA AND BULGARIA
Plovdiv, 2nd November 1885
We, Alexander I, by God's grace and the will of the people, the prince of Bulgaria.
The government of the neighboring Serbian people, led by personal and selfish forces and wanting to condemn the holy cause - the unification of the Bulgarian people into a single whole - today, without any legitimate and just reason, declared war on our state and ordered its troops to invade our land. It is with great sadness that we heard this sad news, because we never believed that our half-blood and fellow-believers would raise their hand and start a fratricidal war in these difficult times, which small states on the Balkan Peninsula are going through, and will treat their neighbors so inhumanly and recklessly. who, without harming anyone, work and fight for one noble, just and meritorious cause.
Leaving on the conscience of the Serbs and their government all the responsibility for the fratricidal war between the two fraternal peoples and for the bad consequences that could happen to both states, we declare to our beloved people that we accept the war proclaimed by Serbia and have given the order to our brave and brave troops to start action against the Serbs and as a man to defend the land, honor and freedom of the Bulgarian people.
Our work is sacred, and we hope that God will take it under his protection and give us the help we need in order to triumph and defeat our enemies. Since we are confident that our beloved people will support us in a difficult but holy deed (protecting our land from the invasion of the enemy), and that every Bulgarian capable of carrying weapons will go under the banner of fighting for his fatherland and freedom, we call on the Almighty to protect and patronize Bulgaria and help us in difficult and difficult times, which our country is passing through.
Published in Plovdiv on November 2, one thousand eight hundred and eighty-five.
Alexander.
Bulgaria sends a note to all the Great Forces asking them to intervene as peacekeepers, but no response follows.
And only the overlord, the Ottoman Empire, withdraws, stating that he will send his troops as reinforcements if the principality refuses to join.
Action plan for both sides
Serbia
Serbia's general plan is to move troops along the Pirot-Tsaribrod direction and defeat the Bulgarians in the border areas near Tsaribrod by numerical superiority, then defeat the arriving Bulgarian units from Thrace, take Vidin and the capital of Bulgaria - Sofia (the main goal: in this way, the connection between Bulgaria and Macedonia is severed, which contributes to the plans of Serbian hegemony in the Balkans), where King Milan Obrenovic himself will take the podium and dictate the terms of peace:
- the entire territory of Bulgaria from the Serbian border to the Iskar River will be annexed to Serbia;
- Serbian occupation of the rest of the principality;
- moving the capital from Sofia to Tarnovo;
- a military parade of Serbian troops led by Milan itself in Sofia;
- huge monetary compensation.
On the front against Sofia, the Serbs have 42,000 men and 800 cavalrymen (Nishava army) and 21,000 people. on the Vidin front (Timosh army), also 8,800 people. but in reserve. All are armed with Mauser-Milanovich rifles, have 400 obsolete guns and expect about 30 rapid-fire guns from France.
Later, the Serbian forces reached 120,000 people, of which 103,000 people. - the regular army.
The supply is well organized by military depots and collection from the population. Most of the soldiers are poorly trained, and the best commanders, Djura Horvatovich and Jovan Belimarkovich, veterans of the wars with Turkey (1876-1878), by the will of the King of Milan, do not participate in this war.
Bulgaria
Russia is recalling its officers as a protest against the act of union. Only Bulgarians who are serving in the Russian army remain.
The young Bulgarian state seriously lacks qualified officers, the only hope is 40 young Bulgarian officers who have returned from Russian academies, who have just graduated or have stopped their training course.
There are also not enough sergeants (there are 30 cadets assigned to the company as sergeants).
86,000 people passed through the barracks training. (Principality of Bulgaria + Eastern Rumelia). Together with volunteers (volunteers) and militias, the Bulgarian army numbers no more than 100,000 people.
The infantry is still armed with the Provisional Russian Directorate:
- 11-mm shotgun "Chaspo" mod. 1866, 15, 24-mm "Krnka" mod. 1864, 10, 66-mm "Berdana-2", also captured from the Russian-Turkish war, 11, 43-mm "Peabody-Martini" arr. 1871 and the multiply charged 11-mm "Henry-Winchester" mod. 1860 g.
Revolvers - 44-mm "Smith and Wesson" Russian model.
Artillery
202 guns, of which 148 are field guns, Krupp 9- and 4-pounders, 20 are mountain guns, 24 are serfs, as well as 6- and 10-barreled cannons of the Kobel system.
A distinctive feature is a separate charge, direct fire and the absence of recoil devices. The maximum firing range for 9-pounder guns is 3200-4500 m, and for 4-pounder guns it is 2400-3300 m. The grenade is single-stage. There is also a grape-grenade to defeat the infantry (later called "shrapnel"). Artillery was used by batteries, deploying into battle ranks behind the infantry, fire was fired from open positions by voice control of fire. Organizationally not related to the infantry.
The Danube Combat Flotilla operates on the Danube, which includes a ship detachment (4 steamers) and a mine detachment (2 destroyers). Personnel - 6 officers, 145 sailors and 21 civilian specialists. The task of the flotilla is to supply the Vidin fortress garrison. The main tasks are performed by the steamer “Golubchik” and the boat “Motala”.
Logistics support
There is also a shortage of ammunition and uniforms - spare, militia and volunteers fight in their own clothes.
Food is provided voluntarily by the population and with the help of donations from wealthy Bulgarians from abroad.
Medical provision is at a rather poor level - there are 180 doctors and 8 veterinarians throughout Bulgaria. There are no military hospitals (infirmaries).
The Bulgarian troops are divided into two corps. The Eastern (it contains most of the troops), which is concentrated on the Turkish border, from where the main attack is expected, and the Western Corps - the rest of the military units along the Serbian border. Bulgaria had a plan for waging a war against the Ottoman Empire, but there was no plan against Serbia (such a war was not foreseen by Bulgaria)
After the declaration of war, the plan of action was as follows.
The weak West Corps had to defend itself before the arrival of the East Corps and then launch a general attack. Before the outbreak of intensified hostilities, the western corps was again divided into two - the Western and the Northern. The northern task was to defend Vidin, and the western one was responsible for the defense of Sofia. The commanders were Captain Atanas Uzunov and Major Avram Gudzhev - by that time the Bulgarian officer with the highest rank in the Bulgarian army, therefore this war is called the war of captains. The commander-in-chief of all Bulgarian troops is Prince Alexander I of Batenberg.
The beginning of hostilities
The western front is divided into 7 detachments and has about 17,437 soldiers and 34 guns to stop the Serbian offensive. On November 2, Serbian units attack the Tsaribrod positions, which are defended by one squad (1 regiment has 3 squads) of the 4th Pleven Infantry Regiment under the command of Captain Andrei Bukureshtliyev and 3 couples (3 detachments) of the 1st Sofia Infantry Regiment. The ratio of forces of attackers and defenders of 7: 1 forces the Bulgarians to retreat to the line of dragoman positions, since they cannot afford to give large sacrifices at the very beginning of the war. Near Dragoman, the troops retreating from the Tsaribrod position are united with one squad and one regiment.
At the same time, the Serbian Shumadi division invades from the south in order to seize the Pirot - Tryn - Breznik road and later, having united with the Moravian division, take Tryn and Breznik and, having defeated the Kyustendil detachment, enter the operational space of the Sofia field. Thus, they will join up with the Serbian Danube division advancing in the center of the front, which is additionally reinforced by a reserve - the Drinsky division.
The Shumadi division deepens 15 km into the Bulgarian territory, and the Bulgarians retreat to the village. Vrabch. The defense of the position is led by Captain Nikola Genev. Under his command are 4 squads and 1 company of regular infantry, 2 batteries and a militia.
On November 3, the Shumadi division, consisting of 9 battalions, 2 squadrons with artillery support of 24 guns, storm Orlinsky peak, which is an important position of the Bulgarian defense. Until the middle of the day, they stopped the offensive, retreating to the Sekiritsa pass, from where they launched a counteroffensive. This gives a gain in waiting time for the arrival of the main Bulgarian forces, concentrated on the border with Turkey (Ottoman Empire). Stubborn battles are fought all day until November 4, when the Bulgarian troops are forced to withdraw to Breznik.
A little to the south, the Moravian division is fighting against the Izvorsk detachment under the command of Captain Stefan Toshev, which defends the city of Tryn and is concentrated at Koluniska Upland. After an all-day battle, the Izvorsky detachment departs to the village. Treklyano. By the end of November 4, the Serbs enter the city of Tryn and continue their offensive towards the city of Radomir.
The Serbian Danube division reaches the town of Dragoman, where it is stopped and forced to retreat.
In the northern part of the Western Front, the Bulgarian Tsaribrod detachment retreats to Slivnitsa.
The Nishava army is heading for Sofia, but in the two-day battles, in which the civilian population also takes part, its movement is significantly slowed down, which makes it possible for the Bulgarians to gather their forces at the main defensive position - Slivnitsa.
The Serbian Drin division, which until then was in reserve, also enters the battle.
On the same day, the prince gathers the throne council, where it was decided to concentrate all the cash at the time of the force in order to stop the Serbs before the arrival of the main forces located on the Turkish border.
By lunchtime on November 4, Serbian troops reached the line of the Bulgarian positions at Slivnitsa.
By that time, the Bulgarians had dug trenches and fortified their position. The Serbian Drina and Danube divisions have already deployed near Slivnitsa, and soon after that the Shumadiyskaya and part of the Moravian divisions arrive.
Battle of Slivnitsa
Alexander I decides to counterattack the enemy's left flank with. Little Little. The front line at Slivnitsa is divided into 3 parts, and the balance of forces is 12,000 Bulgarians against 25,000 Serbs.
On the morning of November 5, a decisive battle began at Slivnitsa. By 9 o'clock in the morning, the Serbs launched an offensive, but the battery of Captain Georgy Silyanov stops the enemy without casualties from the Bulgarians. A counterattack begins at the village. Malo Malovo, as the prince ordered, and the Serbian units were forced to retreat. The main battles are fought mainly on this flank. Serbs have launched constant attacks, but without success.
The Bulgarian artillery helps the infantry a lot, but regardless of this, the right Bulgarian flag is forced to withdraw due to lack of ammunition. While the battle at Slivnitsa is in full swing, the Serbian Moravian took the city of Breznik and moved to the left flank of the Bulgarian positions. The Serbian Shumadi division joined up with the Danube and Drinska at Slivnitsa.
The Serbs are already ready to inflict a crushing blow when the Bulgarians are joined by reinforcements under the command of Captain Peter Tantilov, consisting of the 4th Thracian, 2nd Sofia, 1st militia squads and one battery. So there were 20,000 Bulgarians and over 31,000 Serbs.
In Sofia, Alexander I is concerned that he may lose a decisive battle and is preparing a plan for the evacuation of the capital, but orders to strengthen the left flank at Slivnitsa.
On November 6, the battle begins along the entire front line. The Pleven and Bdinsky regiments counterattacked, reaching the Serbian trenches.
On the left flank, the situation is worse, the Sumadi and Moravian divisions are advancing from the south and southwest. 1950 people were sent against the rear of the Moravian division, whose headquarters is located in Breznik and which is advancing on Gurgulat.under the command of Captain Stefan Kisov. Regardless of the fact that this detachment is defeated at Breznik, it delays the movement of this division to Slivnitsa, where a general battle is taking place, and forces the Serbs to separate 2 battalions for cover from the south.
The Bulgarian command is launching an offensive at the very end of the right flank, as a result of which Tuden, Komshtitsa and Smolcha are liberated.
On November 7, after new replenishments from both sides, the Serbs are up to 40,000, and the Bulgarians - 32,000.
In the early morning, the detachment of Captain Hristo Popov set off for the village. Gurgulat, where in an unequal battle they defeat the 3rd Serbian battalions, the 1st battery and the 1st squadron with small forces, putting them to flight.
At this time, the Serbs on the northern flank are recovering parts of the lost positions. Bulgarians counterattack. The commander of the Bda regiment orders a bayonet attack, and he himself leads the fighters, dying in battle. Later, the Bda regiment was reinforced by Pleven squads and one battery. After the outbreak of a fierce struggle, the Serbs cannot withstand the onslaught and turn to panic flight.
The detachment of Captain Costa Panica defeats the Serbian troops at the village. Murmur and S. Komshtitsa and is part of Serbia. This is how the battle at Slivnitsa ends.
To be continued…
