At different times in different countries, all coups and similar performances began in the same way. On an alarming night from April 21 to April 22, the deserted streets of Algeria, the capital of the department of the same name, were filled with the roar of moving equipment: the tracks of caterpillars clanked rhythmically, powerful engines of armored personnel carriers and army trucks jerked bass. The Arab quarter of the Kasbah, surrounded by a chain of roadblocks, lurked in tense anticipation, but angular silhouettes followed one after another into the European center. The columns stopped at strategically important objects of the city; doors and hatches slammed, sides descended - hundreds of armed soldiers in camouflage uniforms, paratroopers and soldiers of the French Foreign Legion with weapons at the ready dexterously and quickly took up positions. The war had been going on in Algeria for several years, and the townsfolk were accustomed to the sight of military gatherings. Someone, seeing, thought that this was another operation against the forces of the FLN (National Liberation Front), others, shrugging their shoulders, said: "Exercises." But what was happening was neither a counter-guerrilla action, much less an exercise.
At 2:10, during an intermission at the famous Comédie Française, where Rossini's opera Britannicus was premiered, the Parisian police director Maurice Papon entered the presidential box along with a high-ranking representative of the Sûreté nationale (French intelligence). General de Gaulle's questioning glance was answered by: "Your Honor, there is a coup in Algeria!"
The heavy burden of the empire
Algeria for France was not a simple colony like some Senegal or Cameroon. Conquered after a long war in the 30-40s. XIX century, Algeria had the status of overseas departments. That is, in fact, it was directly French territory. If in the colonial system of England the central place was occupied by India, which was not at all called the "pearl of the British crown" for poetical reasons, then Algeria was the central diamond in the French "overseas necklace". Algeria played an important role in the economy of the metropolis, being a major producer and exporter of agricultural products and raw materials for industry.
Before World War II, it was the most economically developed French overseas territory. Sufficiently competent health and education policies contributed to the growth of the local Arab population. From the middle of the 19th century to the middle of the 20th century, it increased from 3 to 9 million people. The limited area of arable land with an ever-increasing number of Arabs and the concentration of large land plots in the hands of Europeans became in many ways the tinder from which the flames of war in Algeria began. The role of the flint was played by Muslim nationalism, especially after the end of the Second World War.
It cannot be said that the Arabs lived in resort conditions, but they were far from worse, and in some places even better, than in the same "free" Egypt. The European population, which numbered more than 1 million people, generally treated the aborigines, if not with "brotherly international love", then quite tolerantly. For many whites, Algeria was a homeland they were willing to fight for.
Algeria did not catch fire right away - it gradually smoldered, here and there the first tongues of flame broke through. The main coolant in the unhurried bonfire of a future war, as in many other similar processes, was the Arab intelligentsia, who had studied in the metropolis. The seeming prosperity and relative calmness, when the whites were satisfied with almost everything, and the local population grumbled, could not continue indefinitely. The world around us was rapidly changing: before our very eyes, the colonial empires were crumbling, these giants of the 19th century. Against this background, Algeria remained a kind of archaic relic, a doomed mammoth, a relic. "We are waiting for changes!" - a slogan that was known long before its perpetuation by Viktor Tsoi.
On November 1, 1954, the National Liberation Front was established. On the same day, armed Arab detachments attacked French garrisons throughout Algeria.
The path to a dead end
As in any such conflict, the government forces opposed the then high technology, widely supplemented by repression, to the wide partisan movement, which found a response among part of the local population. What exactly to do and how to cut the Gordian knot of the Algerian problem, the "democratic leaders" of France had no idea. Indistinct babbling in the press, chaotic political shuffling led to an acute crisis and the subsequent fall of the 4th republic. The country urgently, like a patient with a potent drug, needed a leader. No, Leader, the center of power around which the nation could rally. With the direct threat of a military coup, paralysis and powerlessness of the authorities in June 1958, General Charles de Gaulle, a major figure in French history, returned to power. The patriotic public and, above all, the military consider him to be the guarantor of the preservation of French Algeria.
On June 4, 1958, three days after being confirmed as chairman of the Council of Ministers, De Gaulle pays a visit to Algeria.
A truly triumphant reception awaits him: a large guard of honor at the airport, thousands of residents along the route of the motorcade. The sincere joy of new-found hope. The culmination was the speech of the general in front of a huge crowd gathered in front of the Government House. In response to the chant of many thousands, "Algeria is French!" and "Save Algeria!" De Gaulle replied with his famous "I understand you!" The crowd literally howled with delight when they heard in these words what was not in them at all.
De Gaulle was an outstanding politician. His main goal was to restore the greatness of France, tarnished after the Second World War and the infamous defeat in the Indochina War. A convinced anti-Americanist, the general sought to withdraw the country from the US sphere of influence and, in the future, from NATO structures. For these purposes, it was necessary to provide France with all the attributes of a great power of the 1960s. That is, nuclear weapons and their delivery vehicles. Such ambitious plans required significant resources, which the state burdened with the war in Algeria lacked.
By 1959, using large-scale mobile paratroopers and special forces units, helicopters, ground attack aircraft, the French army managed to drive the FLN units into remote mountainous areas. The ruthless actions of the special services (forced interrogations and torture were used) largely paralyzed the Arab underground in large cities. But at what cost! Order in Algeria was ensured by an army group, the number of which exceeded 400 thousand people, 1,500 tanks and armored personnel carriers, 1,000 planes and helicopters. Another 200 thousand people were part of the gendarmerie, which, in terms of the saturation of fire and vehicles, was practically not inferior to the army. More than 100 thousand people - the so-called "kharki", military militia from loyal Arabs, and territorial defense units, which included white volunteers. This entire huge group consumed a lot of manpower and resources, demanded huge expenses, which the French economy, which had been moping since 1945, was more and more difficult to bear.
De Gaulle betrayed ?
Even before his return to power, the general was convinced that Algeria could not be held by military means alone. He nurtured the idea of the coexistence of the former French colonies under the auspices of France in a kind of union like the countries of the British Commonwealth. Realizing that such ideas can cause an extremely negative reaction, especially in the army environment, de Gaulle promoted his concept carefully and carefully.
On September 16, 1959, in a public speech, de Gaulle first mentioned that Algeria had the right to self-determination. This caused anger in the conservative part of society. Some of the military, who were still the general's comrades-in-arms in the "Free French", and with the help of whom he came to power, actually considered him a traitor. A rumble of disappointment, turning into indignation, began to spread among the European population of Algeria. Already at the end of January 1960, a group of students led by ultra-right activist Pierre Lagayard started a mutiny in the Algerian capital, blocking several blocks with barricades. But the army remained loyal to de Gaulle, and the revolt failed. Lagayard found refuge in Spain, where from now on, many dissatisfied with the general's policy will accumulate.
Throughout 1960, the French colonial empire was shrinking - 17 former colonies gained independence. During the year, de Gaulle made a number of other statements in which he hinted at the possibility of a political solution to the problem. As if to prove the correctness of the chosen line, a referendum was held on January 8, 1961, where 75% of the respondents were in favor of granting independence to Algeria.
Meanwhile, dissatisfaction among the military was growing. The leader of the anti-Gollist coalition, which advocated waging the war in Algeria to a victorious end, was a participant in all the wars waged by France over the past forty years, who had a huge influence in the army, and received 36 orders and medals during his service (more than anyone else in the French army) General Raoul Salan.
Putsch
In fact, Salan, who actually brought de Gaulle to power in 1958, was disappointed with the authorities' policy towards Algeria, and resigned in 1960. It was he who became one of the founders of the famous OAS (Organization de l'armée secrète), a secret armed organization created in Spain in February 1961 in response to the conduct and results of the referendum on January 8, 1961. There were many interesting characters visiting Franco.
Realizing perfectly well that time is beginning to work against them, Salan and his entourage decide to play the army card once again, as in 1958, when a wave of army sentiment brought de Gaulle to power. Moreover, a number of popular and key figures from among the supporters of French Algeria were removed from their posts or transferred to other posts. This, for example, is the very popular commander of the 10th paratrooper division, General Jacques Mosu, or the former commander of the troops in Algeria, Maurice Schall.
The concept of the upcoming speech was as follows. Relying on an army grouping in Algeria proper, seize a number of key targets with the help of supporters in the metropolis. Demand de Gaulle's resignation and the creation of another government of confidence, the purpose of which would be to keep the main French colony within the metropolis. The armed uprising was to begin directly in Algeria and on French territory. The conspirators counted primarily on the support of the units of the Foreign Legion of the parachute troops, as the most combat-ready.
On the night of April 22, units of the 1st Foreign Parachute Regiment under the command of Colonel de Saint-Marc took control of almost all government buildings in Algeria. The coup was also supported by several regiments of the Foreign Legion, units of the 2nd Foreign Parachute Regiment from the 10th Parachute Division, the 14th and 18th Regiments of Chasseurs-Parachutists (25th Parachute Division). They were the elite of the French airborne forces. At first, support was promised from other units and formations (27th Dragoon Regiment, 94th Infantry, 7th Regiment of Algerian Tyraliers, Marine Corps). However, officers loyal to de Gaulle prevented them from joining the rebels.
The leadership of the putschists was carried out by retired generals Maurice Challe (former commander-in-chief of the French forces in Algeria), Edmond Jouhaux (former inspector general of the French Air Force), André Zeller (former chief of the general staff). Soon they were to be joined by Raul Salan himself, whose arrival was expected from Spain.
At first, using the surprise factor, the rebels achieved some success: all targets planned for capture were occupied quickly and without any resistance. The units that remained loyal to de Gaulle were commanded by Vice Admiral Kerville, commander of the French Navy in the Mediterranean. However, Colonel Godard blocked the Admiralty building with tanks, and the commander had to flee in a patrol boat to Oran. A number of persons were arrested, including the visiting Minister of Public Transport Robert Bouron, Commissioner Facho and several others. On April 22, at 10 am, the Algerian radio broadcast: "The army has established control over Algeria and the Sahara."
The population was called on to "work quietly, maintain calm and order." The local French population felt sympathy for the military performance. The crowd gathered in the central square chanted: "Algeria is French!" The appearance of the generals in public was greeted with a standing ovation.
The first disruptions began when the long-suspicious Captain Philippe de Saint-Remy was arrested in Paris by French security forces. Unfortunately for the putschists, the captain kept important papers that helped to identify and arrest the key figures of the conspiracy in the metropolis - General Faure and nearly one and a half hundred other officers. Thus, all attempts to revolt directly in France were neutralized. During these days and hours, as, indeed, always, de Gaulle is calm, collected, confident. Orders and directives are issued one after another. All police and gendarme forces in the metropolis were raised on alert. Admiral Cabanier, commander of the French fleet in Toulon, also receives orders to bring the ships to a state of full combat readiness, to prevent any attempts to transfer rebel troops from Algeria. Tanks appear in Paris. Initially, it is a dozen "Shermans", stationed outside the building of the former Bourbon Palace, where the General Assembly of France met. Already at 5 o'clock on April 22, at a meeting of the Council of Ministers, de Gaulle announced that "he does not take the putsch seriously." At the same time, a state of emergency was introduced in Algeria.
On the morning of April 23, the concrete of the landing strip of the Algerian airbase touched the chassis of the military transport "Bregge". General Raul Salan arrived from Spain. The leaders of the rebellion divided responsibilities among themselves: Schall became the commander-in-chief of the coup forces, Jouhaux was responsible for organizing supplies and transportation, Zeller was in charge of economic and financial issues, Salan took control of the civil administration and communications with the population. Salan, being the first among equals, insisted on the continuation of decisive actions, realizing that delay is like death. At 15:30, paratroopers under the command of Zeller entered the cities of Constantin, forcing the still hesitant General Gouraud, the garrison commander, to join the putschists. In Paris, the SLA carried out several terrorist attacks as part of intimidating the authorities and influencing the minds. At 15 o'clock, a bomb went off at Orly airport. Later, explosions thundered at the Lyons and Austerlitz train stations. However, these acts of terrorism did not lead to anything, except for the anger of the Parisians.
At 20 o'clock, de Gaulle addressed the nation on television. In his address, he sharply condemned the putschists, in fact, accusing them of Nazi views, saying that "we do not need the kind of France they want!" At the end of his speech, the general appealed to the patriotic feelings of citizens, soldiers and officers: “French, French! Help me!"
De Gaulle's speech was a success. As it turned out later, this was one of the first successful examples of information warfare. The fact is that back in 1957, the so-called 5th Bureau was founded in all the headquarters of the French army in Algeria, whose duties were to monitor the morale and fighting spirit of the soldiers. The printed organ of the 5th Bureau was the weekly "Bled", in fact, the French version of "Soviet Warrior" with variations. On its pages "Bled" actively advertised the then technical innovations that could brighten up the time in distant garrisons: cameras and recently appeared transistor receivers.
In anticipation of de Gaulle's speech, many officers forbade the soldiers to listen to the general through army receivers and loudspeakers. And then radios came to the rescue, which many had. The emotional speech he heard stopped the hesitation of many, primarily the main contingent of the French army in Algeria, consisting of conscripts. After the failure of the conspiracy, the general called the recruits like this: "500 thousand fellows with transistors." The dynamics of the putsch began to slow down steadily. The 13th Infantry Division, responsible for the strategic zone of Oran, and several battalions of the Foreign Legion followed the example of their commander, General Philippe Guineste, by remaining loyal to the government in Paris. Gineste was subsequently killed by the SLA in retaliation.
On April 24, according to various estimates, at least 12 million people took to the streets of French cities. In the struggle against a common enemy, various political forces: the Communist Party, socialists, representatives of "democratic" movements - united. A preliminary hour strike occurs. The rebellious Algeria responds with a hundred-thousand-strong demonstration on the Central Square under the slogan "Algeria is French!" General Salan speaks from the balcony, pleading "the duty of the patriots to save Algeria and France." The performance ends with a standing ovation and the singing of the Marseillaise. The local European population is well aware of the future that threatens them in the event of the independence of Algeria and the withdrawal of the army. Therefore, there are no "defenders of the White House" of the 1991 sample.
But, despite the cheerfulness, the generals are beginning to understand, in the words of Bulgakov's Khludov: "The people do not want us!" On April 25, at 6.05 am, a planned explosion of the Green Jerboa device takes place at the French nuclear test site in Regannes. The test was carried out under an accelerated training program, apparently out of fears that the atomic charge could somehow be used for their own purposes by the putschists.
The situation for the rebels steadily worsened. On April 25, parts of the 16th Infantry Division of General Gastinet enter Paris. On the approach are tank units loyal to de Gaulle, transferred from the French zone of occupation in Germany. Panic rumors about the alleged transfer of units of the rebel 10th and 25th airborne divisions to the capital are dying down. The southern coast of France is reliably covered by Vautour interceptors. On the morning of the same April 25, seeking to win over to their side parts of the fleet and marines, fourteen trucks and armored personnel carriers with paratroopers under the command of Colonel Leconte are trying to establish control over the naval base Mers el-Kebir. However, the operation fails. After that, the curve of events for the putschists went down - they did not receive broad support in the almost 500,000-strong military contingent, de Gaulle did not go to any "constructive dialogues". The metropolis was out of reach. The insurgent units are gradually leaving the occupied buildings and facilities, returning to their places of permanent deployment. Units of the 12th Infantry Division of General Perrot, loyal to de Gaulle, are entering Algeria. The coup failed. On the night of April 26, Maurice Schall speaks on the radio, where he announces the decision to stop the fight. He and Zeller fall into the hands of the authorities. Generals Jouhaux and Salan go into an illegal position, deciding to continue resistance to de Gaulle's course, leading the SLA.
Judgment or judgment of history?
A military tribunal sentenced Schall and Zeller to 15 years in prison. 220 officers were removed from their posts, 114 were brought to justice. For active participation in the coup, despite the previous merits, three regiments were disbanded: the 1st Foreign Parachute Regiment, the 14th and 18th Regiments of Chasseur-paratroopers. More than a thousand officers, outraged by de Gaulle's policies, resigned in solidarity with the rebels.
In 1968, both convicted generals were released under an amnesty. Salan and Zhuo were in an illegal position for some time, but in 1962 they were arrested and sentenced - Salan to life imprisonment, and Zhuo to death, but also came under an amnesty. In November 1982, all generals were reinstated in the army reserve personnel.
On March 19, 1962, the so-called Evian Accords were signed, ending the war. On July 5, Algeria became an independent state.
Immediately after the signing of the ceasefire, more than a million people left the country, mostly Europeans and Arab loyalists, who became refugees overnight. On the day of the proclamation of independence, on July 5, in the city of Oran, a crowd of armed people staged a massacre of the European population who did not have time to leave. According to various estimates, from 3 to 5 thousand people died at the hands of the Algerians. Algeria from a prosperous French colony became an ordinary third world country, which for a long time lived at the expense of the Soviet Union.
A deck of political cards is bizarrely shuffled by history … Did the FLN fighters, on the night road aiming the radiator of a French army truck, know that their grandchildren and great-grandchildren would cross the Mediterranean Sea on fragile ships in the hope of obtaining refugee status in France and as a supreme blessing a benefit from the government ? Did the gendarmes and police, standing at the checkpoints in the crowded Arab quarters of Algeria and Oran, suppose that their colleagues in 30-40 years in full armor would patrol the “places of compact residence” of Arabs already in Paris? ", Staging noisy demonstrations under the slogan" Freedom to Algeria!"
Few people in France now remember the coup of the generals. The topic is slippery and uncomfortable in the era of universal tolerance and tolerance. And with a measured step regiments of riflemen and paratroopers, battalions of the Foreign Legion, generals, officers, soldiers go into eternity. And in the city cemetery in the city of Vichy there is a modest grave, on which “Raul Salan. June 10, 1899 - July 3, 1984. SOLDIER OF THE GREAT WAR.
