100 years ago, in June-July 1917, the Russian army conducted its last strategic offensive operation. The June offensive ("Kerensky's offensive") failed due to a catastrophic fall in discipline and organization in the Russian troops, large-scale anti-war agitation organized by revolutionary forces and the complete collapse of the rear, which led to a paralysis of the army's supplies.
The collapse of the command and control system and the army
The Westernizing Februaryists, seizing power and destroying the autocracy under the banner of "freedoms", began to destroy everything and everyone, breaking the last bonds that still held back many contradictions and faults formed in the Romanov empire. In one fell swoop, the entire system of civil administration was swept away: the administration, the gendarmerie, the secret police, the police, etc. Unlimited freedom of speech, press, assembly, and rallies were proclaimed, the death penalty was abolished. The Petrograd Soviet issued Order No. 1 on Troops, which led to the "democratization" of the army. And all this in the conditions of the war waged by Russia! Attempts by the generals to stop the collapse of the army had little success.
A general amnesty was announced, "political" - radical, revolutionary activists of all stripes, and tens of thousands of criminals came out. In addition, the cities were flooded with deserters, many of whom were armed and found a place among the bandits. Even during the February-March coup, many prisons were destroyed, police stations, secret police departments were burned, unique archives with data on criminals and foreign agents were destroyed. Taking into account the dispersal of the old police, the loss of most of the personnel of the law enforcement system, the real criminal revolution began, the eternal companion of any turmoil. Crime has jumped several times. In some cities, a state of siege was even introduced. In Russia, the foundation was laid for the emergence of another "front" - the "green" (bandit).
Shock detachments of revolutionary militants are being sent to Russia. Lenin and his team rode from Switzerland through Germany. There was a double game - the Western special services tried to use the Bolshevik leader to intensify the turmoil in Russia, and Lenin himself used the organizational and material capabilities of the Westerners to seize power in Russia. Trotsky (after the liquidation of Lenin) was to become the real guide of the interests of the West and the future leader of colonial Russia. Trotsky moved out of New York with US citizenship and a British visa. True, in Canada he was detained as a German spy, but not for long. They held him back and released him as "a well-deserved fighter against tsarism." The masters of the United States and Britain planned to completely destroy Russia and resolve the "Russian question" (the millennial confrontation between Russian and Western civilizations). House, the “gray cardinal” of the United States, wrote to President Wilson: “The rest of the world will live more calmly if, instead of a huge Russia, there are four Russias in the world. One is Siberia, and the rest is the divided European part of the country. " The great Western powers Turkey and Japan have already divided Russia into spheres of influence and colonies. At the same time, Germany, Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire, which initially capture significant chunks of the Russian Empire, will soon be left out of their lot. They were waiting for the fate of the vanquished - collapse and partition. The leading roles were played by England, France, the USA and Japan. At the same time, the masters of the United States claimed the “fattest piece” of Russia - Siberia (for the Americans, the Czechoslovak Corps will seize it).
L. Trotsky agitates soldiers
The disorganizing, destructive and chaotic actions of the Provisional Government fit perfectly into the plans of the masters of the West to destroy Russia. In fact, the Westernized Februaryists, the Russian Freemasons, carried out with their own hands the old plans of the masters of the West to destroy Great Russia. They launched the first wave of demolition of Russian statehood and civilization, were obedient tools in the hands of foreigners. The foreign ambassadors Buchanan and Palaeologus disposed of the ministers of the Provisional Government as their clerks. Each of their words became an instruction that must be followed. We see a similar picture in modern Ukraine, where American and European officials easily twist the representatives of the Ukrainian "elite". In fact, the Provisional Government became an occupation administration, "temporary" until the complete colonization of Russia. Then it was possible to disperse to Paris and London, on an "honorary pension."
Foreign Minister Milyukov staged patriotic demonstrations under the windows of the British embassy! He himself walked with the demonstrators, shouting slogans of "loyalty to the allies" (as we remember, the "allies" waged war with Germany to the last Russian soldier). In his speeches, Miliukov never tired of expressing loyalty to the Entente: "Based on the principles put forward by President Wilson, as well as by the Entente powers …". "These ideas are completely in line with those of President Wilson." True, even such a democrat as Miliukov did not completely suit the West. He recalled the agreements concluded under the tsar, declared about Russia's "historical mission" to occupy Constantinople, take Turkish (Western) Armenia under a protectorate, and annex Galicia. The West did not like such requests. Buchanan and Palaeologus hinted, and Miliukov resigned. They appointed Mikhail Tereshchenko, who has not stuttered about any acquisitions of Russia. He argued that the main thing for Russia in the war is "to withstand, to preserve the friendliness of the allies." In the United States, a new ambassador, Bakhmetyev, was appointed, who even asked (!) That Wilson take a leading role in world politics and "let Russia follow him." In Russia, under the Provisional Government, various Western adventurers, speculators, and shady businessmen rushed in even greater numbers, who plundered with might and main, took out strategic resources. The provisional government offered concessions to oil, coal, gold and copper deposits, railways.
War Minister Guchkov launched a "purge" in the army. The "reactionaries" were removed, including Yudenich, Sakharov, Evert, Kuropatkin, and others. "Liberals" were nominated in their place. Often these were talented commanders - Kornilov, Denikin, Krymov, etc. Many of them would later lead the White movement, launching the Civil War in Russia, which would be "ordered" from abroad. At the same time, a muddy stream of various agitators, government commissars with demoralizing opinions, leaders of the Socialist-Revolutionary parties, Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, anarchists, various nationalists, etc. will pour into the army. Replenishments that poured into the front-line units were already spread out in the rear. In some places the officers, among whom there were many liberal intelligentsia, who greatly diluted the knocked-out cadre of the imperial army, themselves introduced "democracy", fraternized with the soldiers. Discipline collapsed to zero, the army literally before our eyes from a once formidable force capable of beating external enemies and maintaining order inside the country, turned into a crowd of revolutionary soldiers, ready to flee to their homes and begin redistribution of land. Peasants and deserted soldiers all over the country were already burning landlord estates and dividing lands, in fact, starting a new peasant war. Neither the Provisional Government, nor the bourgeois and white governments will be able to curb this element, only the Bolsheviks will be able to pacify the peasants (by force and development program).
The results of revolutionary changes (we note even before the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks) showed themselves instantly. In April, the Germans undertook a private operation on the Southwestern Front with a small force in order to recapture the Chervishchensky bridgehead on the river. Stokhod. It was defended by units of the 3rd corps of the 3rd army (more than 14 thousand soldiers). In the battle, about 1 thousand people were wounded or killed, more than 10 thousand people were missing, that is, they surrendered or deserted. The German command quickly realized what was going on. Ludendorff came to the conclusion that there was no need to be afraid of the Russian army, a temporary lull set in at the front. The Austro-German command ordered not to disturb the Russians, they say, their front is already falling apart. For their part, the Germans also helped the Russian army to decompose. Serving the Provisional Government before the Entente was an excellent material. The agitators suggested that the "capitalist ministers" had sold out and the soldiers were already fighting for the interests of the foreign bourgeoisie. Leaflets were distributed: "Russian soldiers are victims of British warmongers" (which was close to the truth). Berlin approved the formula of General Hoffman: they called for "peace without annexations", but at the same time introduced the principle of "the right of nations to self-determination." The Germans understood that the western regions of Russia (Finland, the Baltic States, Poland, Little Russia), which "self-determine", would immediately fall under the control of the Second Reich.
War Minister Guchkov was a traditional Westernizer. He believed that Russia should become a constitutional monarchy on the British model, develop according to the Western matrix. That the goals of the liberals and Western powers in Russia have already been achieved. Stabilization is needed, you can no longer “rock the boat”. Therefore, when the "Declaration of the Rights of the Soldier" was submitted to the government for consideration, which extended Order No. 1 of the Petrosovet to the entire army. Guchkov opposed this "Declaration." He didn't want to screw up the military. On May 12, Guchkov resigned and turned out to be insufficiently liberal. He turned to the head of the government, Prince Georgy Lvov, with a letter, in fact admitting the impossibility of resisting anarchy and the disintegration of the army:, which I am unable to change, and which threaten with fatal consequences for the defense, freedom and the very existence of Russia, - in my conscience I can no longer bear the duties of the minister of war and the naval minister, and share the responsibility for the grave sin that is happening in relation to the motherland. " Kerensky, a protégé of the Masonic "backstage", became the Minister of War. The collapse of the army continued.
There was a rapid change of supreme commanders. After the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, this post was taken by Alekseev. On May 20, the First All-Russian Officers' Congress began at the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev, which brought together about 300 delegates. The Union of Army and Navy Officers was formed. Among the speakers were the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Mikhail Alekseev, Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Anton Denikin, Chairman of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma Mikhail Rodzianko, representatives of the Allies in the Entente. Alekseev said that “Russia is dying. She stands on the edge of the abyss. A few more pushes forward, and she will fall down with all her weight into this abyss. The enemy cannot be bribed with the utopian phrase: "a world without annexations and indemnities." The officers tried to save at least part of the army by creating the so-called. "Shock units", "death battalions". The troops began to form such units, including national ones - Ukrainian, Georgian, from the Serbs living in Russia, women and so on, which were to be recruited exclusively from volunteers, deliberately "going to their death." An example of such units, according to the officers, was supposed to "infect" the entire army with consciousness. However, this initiative could not stop the general collapse. Yes, and the national units eventually became the core of the formations that took an active part in pulling Russia to national corners and unleashing the Civil War.
On May 22, Russia published the "Declaration of the Rights of the Soldier", approved by the Minister of War and Navy Kerensky. This document finally equated the rights of the military with the civilian population. Equalization of rights with civilians meant, first of all, that political agitation on the front lines was legalized. All parties immediately "went into the trenches": newspapers, leaflets, brochures, posters, etc. were widely distributed among the soldiers. Only the cadets distributed about 2 million leaflets and posters, but they were mainly viewed by officers. The bulk of the soldiers most readily accepted the information of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, followed by the materials of the Bolsheviks: Izvestia of the Petrograd Soviet, The Voice of a Soldier, Rabochaya Gazeta, Delo Armii, Soldatskaya Pravda, Sotsial-Democrat etc. The Bolsheviks, who in February had almost no noticeable press in society, sharply intensified their propaganda among the troops. The circulation of the newspaper Pravda reached 85 thousand copies, of Soldatskaya Pravda - 75 thousand. In total, by the beginning of June, more than 100 thousand copies of newspapers were delivered to the troops, which in practice meant the delivery of Bolshevik materials to almost every company.
It is not surprising that when the commander-in-chief of the Southwestern Front, General Alexei Brusilov, learned about the publication of the Declaration, he grabbed his head: “If it is announced, there is no salvation. And then I do not consider it possible to remain in office for a single day."
Distribution of newspapers to representatives of units
Alekseev was also a Februaryist, without his participation they could not have overthrown the autocracy so easily. But, like Guchkov, he did not want the collapse of the army and Russia, so he protested against the "Declaration", and on June 4 he was removed. Brusilov was appointed supreme, hoping for his popularity among the troops. The general himself was skeptical about his new assignment: “I understood that, in essence, the war was over for us, for there was, of course, no means of forcing the troops to fight”. However, he tried to do at least something to strengthen the army. Brusilov spoke to the soldiers at rallies, tried to rely on the soldiers' committees, to build a "new, revolutionary discipline", but without success. Has gone already complete collapse.
Such was the picture in the troops and in the country prevailed before the planned summer decisive offensive of the Russian army. The military historian Zayonchkovsky described this collapse in those days: “In early May (according to the old style, in the new - in the second half of May - A. S. front. Kerensky moved from one army to another, from one corps to another, and fiercely campaigned for a general offensive. The Socialist-Revolutionary Menshevik Soviets and Front Committees helped Kerensky in every possible way. In order to halt the ongoing collapse of the army, Kerensky began to form volunteer shock units. "Advance, advance!" - Kerensky shouted hysterically wherever possible, and he was echoed by the officers and the front, army regimental committees, especially the Southwestern Front. The soldiers, who were in the trenches, were not only indifferent and indifferent, but also hostile to the "orators" who came to the front, calling for war and an offensive. The overwhelming majority of the soldier mass was, as before, against any offensive action.… The mood of these masses is illustrated by one of the typical letters of the soldiers of that time: “If this war does not end soon, then it seems that there will be a bad story. When will our bloodthirsty, fat-bellied bourgeoisie get drunk to their fill? And only let them dare to drag out the war for a few more time, then we will already go to them with weapons in our hands and then we will not give any mercy to anyone. Our entire army is asking for and waiting for peace, but the whole damned bourgeoisie does not want to give us and is waiting for them to be massacred without exception. " Such was the menacing mood of the overwhelming majority of the soldiers at the front. In the rear, in Petrograd, Moscow and other cities, a wave of anti-war demonstrations took place. The rallies were held under the Bolshevik slogans: "Down with the capitalist ministers!", "All power to the Soviets!"
Brusilov and the front commanders pleaded with the government that it was impossible to launch a decisive offensive with the decomposed army. In defense, she is still poorly poorly held, defends herself, pulling off significant enemy forces, supporting her allies. If this balance is disturbed, it will be bad. And in general, after the failure of the Nivelle offensive on the Western Front, the Russian offensive had already lost all meaning. However, the Western powers demanded that the Provisional Government fulfill the "union duty". The Russian army again had to wash in blood for the sake of the "allies". Buchanan and Palaeologus put pressure on the government, and the French minister, Tom, paid a special visit to the Russian capital. The Americans also joined in. The famous banker and Zionist leader Yakof Schiff addressed the Provisional Government with a personal message. He urged to overcome "conciliatory sentiments" and "step up efforts." President Woodrow Wilson sent a mission of E. Root to Russia. He reminded the ministers of the promised loan of 325 million dollars and harshly raised the question: the money will be allocated only in the event of an offensive by the Russian army. As a result, the money was never given, but they beckoned.
Kerensky at the front
