The beginning of the 19th century was full of historical events - both in Russia and in Europe. Change of eras, change of traditions, when some stereotypes, having flown from seemingly unshakable pedestals, were replaced by new ones. The frantic Marseillaise burst into the cozy silence of European palaces, knocking out windows with unrestrained pressure, extinguishing the flames of the fireplaces of philosophers and dreamers. And then, in the predawn darkness of a new historical period, a gigantic short, stocky figure in an invariable cocked hat, who seemed to both enemies and comrades-in-arms, loomed.
Russia did not stay away from the maelstrom, the center of which was still recently revolutionary, and now imperial France. For a huge country stretching to the east of Poland, which arouses the fear of many European rulers, the turn of the 18th-19th centuries also became an important stage in the development of statehood. Some geopolitical tasks were successfully completed, others were just waiting in the wings. The confrontation with Sweden for dominance in the eastern Baltic, which lasted for almost the entire century, ended in victory. Very soon, in 1808-1809. as a result of the last Russian-Swedish war, Finland will be annexed to Russia, and the northern neighbor will still have to come to terms with the irrevocable loss of the status of a great power. The issue of the territorial belonging of the Northern Black Sea region and Crimea was also positively resolved. The Ottoman Empire was finally expelled from these regions, and the problem of the Black Sea straits remained in the legacy of the successors of Catherine II. Three successive divisions of Poland, suffering from permanent rampage, completed the process of conquering the Dnieper region, expanding the borders of the empire in the west.
Foreign trade expanded through the newly acquired and built ports, and, first of all, trade in raw materials. England was an absolute monopoly in foreign economic relations between Russia and Europe. Foggy Albion at the beginning, and in the first quarter of the 19th century, had a developed production of various industrial goods, for which raw materials were required in abundance. In the Russian aristocratic environment, along with the continued influence of French culture, Anglomanism is beginning to become fashionable. The popularity of the country-workshop, together with the growing economic interests, greatly influenced Russian politics during the era of the Napoleonic wars. The close family ties of the Russian court with numerous German monarchs of medium and even small hands also played a significant role.
Naturally, under such objective and subjective circumstances, Russia could not be aloof from the processes that reformatted Europe. The question was about the degree of participation, and Emperor Alexander and his entourage were going to participate in them in the most direct way. The very first campaign in the reign of the young tsar led to defeat at Austerlitz and once again showed what the Austrian allies are worth. The news of Napoleon's brilliant victory made an impression not only on the allies in the Third Anti-French Coalition, but also evoked a response in far from the place of events in Turkey. The news of the defeat of the army of his two long-standing opponents made a strong and predictably favorable impression on Sultan Selim III. Soon he ordered the grand vizier to consider the issue of recognizing Napoleon as emperor and in every possible way to emphasize his favor and favor before the French ambassador to Istanbul Fonton. In January 1806, Selim III, in his official firman, recognized Napoleon's imperial title and even conferred the title of padishah on him.
Diplomatic Games
Simultaneously with the clear warming of Franco-Turkish relations (more recently, after the start of the Egyptian expedition, both countries were at war), the diplomatic climate between Russia and Turkey began to deteriorate at a rapid pace. In the east, strength has always been respected, and, based on this value, the state authority of a particular country was formed. Of course, after Austerlitz, the military "actions" of the empire in the eyes of the Turkish leadership fell somewhat. Already in April 1806, the Grand Vizier expressed this position in a demand for the Russian ambassador A. Ya. Italinsky to reduce the number of Russian ships passing through the straits. And in the fall, the Turks announced a ban on the passage of warships under the St. Andrew's flag through the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, while significant restrictions were imposed on the passage of merchant ships.
General Sebastiani, French Ambassador to Turkey
Each essentially hostile Turkish foreign policy action was synchronously linked to the successes of the French troops in Europe. In October 1806, Prussian troops were defeated at Jena and Auerstedt. Berlin and Warsaw were taken, and soon Napoleon was already directly at the Russian borders. All these successes strengthened the confidence of the Turkish leadership in the correct choice of friends and partners. Soon, the new French ambassador, General Horace François Bastien Sebastiani de La Porta, arrived in Istanbul, whose task was to consolidate French military and political successes by concluding an alliance agreement between France and Turkey. Of course, such an agreement had a pronounced anti-Russian direction.
With the appearance of this diplomat, who was not constrained in his means, at the Sultan's court, the Russian-French diplomatic struggle for the foreign policy orientation of Turkey, which had calmed down for a while, resumed. Sebastiani was eager for promises that were different in such cases: he suggested that the Turks, listening carefully to him, to restore the Ottoman Empire within the borders preceding the Kuchuk-Kainardzhi peace treaty, that is, to roll back the situation to the middle of the 18th century. The opportunity to return Ochakov, Crimea and other lands lost as a result of the last two Russian-Turkish wars looked very tempting. The appetizing proposals of the energetic Sebastiani were supported by promises to help military advisers and provide support in the traditionally sore point for Turkey - the financial issue.
The general also successfully used the Serb uprising in 1804 under the leadership of Karageorgy for his own purposes. Despite the fact that the rebels turned to St. Petersburg for help, their request was received more than coolly: with an indication that petitions should be addressed first of all to Istanbul, to their own ruler. The tsar did not want to quarrel with the Turks on the eve of the war with Napoleon. Nevertheless, Sebastiani was able to convince the Sultan that it was the Russians who were helping the Serbs in the guerrilla war in the Balkans. The diplomatic combinations skillfully played out by the French gave their generous fruits - the role of Russia in the Serbian issue was an old and painful pet peeve for the Turks, on which Sebastiani skillfully pressed.
The frightening Russian giant, in the light of recent events, seemed to the Turks no longer so powerful, and besides, a short historical and political memory was a common diagnosis among the top leadership of the Ottoman Empire. The emboldened Selim III took a consistent course towards war with Russia. In the fall of 1806, Istanbul went on a direct violation of the treaty with St. Petersburg, unilaterally displacing the rulers of Moldova and Wallachia. According to the diplomatic protocol, this procedure could only go through the courts and in agreement with the Russian side. The displacement of the Lords Muruzi and Ypsilanti was a direct non-observance of the previously reached agreements, which could not be let down on the brakes. The situation was complicated by the fact that Alexander I could not fail to respond to such a violation, but at that moment the emperor was bound by the war with Napoleon. In order to somehow react to the Turkish demarches, the official Petersburg finally decided to provide Karageorgy with more substantial assistance than excuses about appealing to its own ruler and so on, "well, you hang on there." On September 24, 1806, Alexander I signed a decree ordering to send 18 thousand gold pieces of gold and weapons to the Serbs.
The situation continued to slide confidently towards a military solution to the problem. Along with the bans and restrictions associated with the passage of Russian ships through the straits, Turkey, under the leadership of French engineers, at an accelerated pace began to reconstruct and strengthen its fortresses along the Dniester border with Russia. The contingents of Turkish troops moved closer to the Danube. Observing the openly hostile actions of the Ottoman Empire, Russia was forced to present an ultimatum demanding the restoration of the rights of the rulers of Wallachia and Moldova and strict observance of the previous agreements. The ultimatum was by no means a trivial way to shake the air, all the more, it was well known that the Turks could only be influenced by something more significant than a document, albeit drawn up in strict terms: a part of the Russian southern army moved to the Dniester just in case.
The energy of General Sebastiani circulated in the highest government circles of the Ottoman Empire under great tension - the ambassador, promising all kinds of help and assistance from France, pushed Turkey to war with Russia. It cannot be said that Selim III and his entourage suffered from excessive peacefulness - in Istanbul they very well remembered all the slaps and blows they received from the Russians. The reaction to the ultimatum from St. Petersburg was characteristic: it was simply left unanswered. The level of tension between the two empires has risen by another broad division. The room for maneuver on the diplomatic front was rapidly diminishing. Decisive action was already required.
General I. I. Mikhelson
On October 4, 1806, Emperor Alexander I signed an order: the commander of the Russian southern army, cavalry general Ivan Ivanovich Mikhelson, was ordered to cross the Dniester and occupy the Moldavian principalities with the entrusted troops. General Michelson was an old soldier who participated in many campaigns (for example, in the Seven Years and the Russo-Swedish War). But he especially distinguished himself during the suppression of the Pugachev uprising, as evidenced by the Order of St. George of the 3rd degree and the golden sword with diamonds for bravery. By the end of November 1806, Russian troops occupied Moldavia and Wallachia. At the same time, part of the units entrusted to him was removed from subordination and transferred to Prussia, so that Michelson had no more than 40 thousand soldiers by the indicated period.
Skillfully manipulating the sentiments of the Turkish elite, playing on their desire to take revenge and at the same time distributing generous promises, Sebastiani managed to turn the situation so as to present Russia as an aggressor. Say, we are here very peaceful: just think, removed some princelings, banned the passage of ships and ignore diplomatic notes. And they, in response, dared to send troops into the Danube principalities. At the insistence of the French ambassador, on December 18, 1806, Sultan Selim III declared war on the Russian Empire. At this stage, France's plans to plunge its most powerful land adversary into yet another conflict have been completely crowned with success. Formally allied with Russia, British diplomacy, which traditionally had strong positions in Istanbul, did not have any impact on what was happening.
Forces and plans of the opposing sides
Petersburg did not expect such a tough reaction from Turkey. It was believed that the maneuvers of Michelson's army would be more than a weighty argument to bring the more impudent Ottomans into proper feelings. Having concentrated its main efforts on the western direction, Russia had very modest ground forces in the south. By the beginning of the war, the total number of the Turkish army reached 266 thousand regular troops and more than 60 thousand irregulars. Of course, only a fraction of these impressive forces were in the future theater of war. The Turkish fleet was quite good technically and quite significant in terms of numbers. It consisted of 15 battleships, most of them excellent French construction, 10 frigates, 18 corvettes and more than a hundred ships of other classes. The main forces of the fleet were concentrated in the Sea of Marmara.
Vice Admiral de Traversay
The Russian Black Sea Fleet, after a period of glorious Ushakov victories, was in a somewhat neglected state. In the military environment, the then chief commander of the Black Sea Fleet and the future naval minister, Vice Admiral de Traversay, was considered the culprit for this situation. French by birth, Jean Baptiste Prévost de Sansac, Marquis de Traversay was a prominent representative of the royalist emigration, who chose to leave his homeland during the revolutionary turmoil. Descended from a family with a naval tradition, the Marquis in the 90s. In the 18th century, he entered the Russian service on the recommendation of the Admiral Prince of Nassau-Siegen. By the beginning of the war with Turkey, the Black Sea Fleet under his command consisted of 6 battleships, 5 frigates, 2 brigs and about 50 gunboats.
The most important strategic factor in the naval component of a future war and a circumstance facilitating the situation of the relatively small Black Sea Fleet was the presence of a squadron under the command of Admiral Senyavin in the Mediterranean by the beginning of the war. Directed here in the complex of measures taken by Russia within the framework of the Third Anti-French Coalition, Senyavin's naval group was supposed to act against the naval forces of France and its allies. The operational base for the Russian ships was the Ionian Islands. Senyavin's forces were quite impressive: 16 battleships, 7 frigates, 7 corvettes, 7 brigs and about 40 other ships. This was the composition of the Mediterranean squadron after the arrival from the Baltic of the detachment of Captain-Commander I. A. There was also an expeditionary corps of ground forces stationed in the Ionian Islands, and 3 thousand armed militias from the local population.
The main land theater in the coming war traditionally remained the Balkans. In the context of the ongoing war with Napoleon, the Russian command could concentrate rather limited forces in this direction. After repeated cuts, the southern, or, as it now began to be called, the Moldavian army under the command of General Michelson had no more than 40 thousand people in its composition with 144 guns. The Turks had in the Danube region, according to various estimates, from 50 to 80 thousand people. Moreover, this number included the garrisons of Turkish fortresses and strongholds on the Danube.
The crossing of the Dniester and the failed Bosphorus landing
In November 1806, Russian troops crossed the Dniester and began to systematically occupy cities and fortresses. The fortresses of Yassy, Bendery, Akkerman, Galati were surrendered by the Turks without any resistance. On December 12, Bucharest was taken by the detachment of General Miloradovich. Formally, the war had not yet been declared, and the Turks preferred not to get involved in open clashes. On the left bank of the Danube, the Ottomans now controlled only three fairly strong fortresses: Izmail, Zhurzha and Brailov. Russia's actions were caused by direct violations by the Turkish side of a whole range of agreements reached earlier, and by actions that certainly fell under the category of "hostile". In fact, Turkey found itself in a skillfully placed diplomatic trap: at first, the French by all means and means increased the level of hostility towards the Russians, and when they could no longer confine themselves to “concern and regret,” they were shamelessly declared an “aggressor”.
The English consul did not show the traditional zeal, unable to resist the energy of Sebastiani, and soon left Istanbul, moving to the squadron of Admiral Duckworth, cruising in the Aegean Sea. After the official declaration of war, which followed on December 18, 1806, it became clear that the Ottoman Empire, despite the emphasized belligerence and severely frowned eyebrows of the upper echelons of power, is much worse prepared for hostilities than Russia, all of whose forces were directed to the war with Napoleon, and which considered the Balkan direction exclusively as an auxiliary one. Although Turkey had drawn troops to the Danube, they were dispersed along the river and in separate garrisons.
Having enjoyed the proclamation of formidable and significant speeches, Sultan Selim III instructed the grand vizier to collect an army from scattered segments and concentrate it at Shumla. The army of the Bosnian Pasha, who continued to carry out an unsuccessful operation against the rebellious Serbs under the leadership of Karageorgiy, was brought to 20 thousand people. Pasha was persuaded from Istanbul to act more decisively and mercilessly, especially since the Serbs managed to liberate Belgrade on November 30, 1806.
The concentration of the main forces of the Turks in the Balkans proceeded slowly. General Michelson was informed that there would be no significant reinforcements due to the ongoing hostilities with the French. Mikhelson was ordered to stand in winter quarters and confine himself to defense.
Despite the obvious deterioration of relations with Turkey, the escalation of tension, which made war almost inevitable, the Russian command did not have a general plan of military operations, and it had to be developed literally on its knees. The war was actually on the verge, and the highest circles so far only argued about goals and methods. Among the plans being worked out, the raising of an uprising in Greece was considered, so that, supporting the rebels from the sea with a squadron of Senyavin, to advance together with them on Istanbul. A project was also considered for the forced creation of Balkan states loyal to Russia in order to use them to isolate Turkey from Napoleonic influence. How these projectile ideas in the conditions of a catastrophic shortage of time and a rapidly deteriorating situation would have been implemented is a question. Only in January 1807, in the third month of the war, was the plan developed by the Minister of the Navy P. V. Chichagov adopted. Its essence boiled down to three points. The first is the breakthrough of the Black Sea Fleet to the Bosphorus and the landing of an assault force of at least 15 thousand people. The second was the breakthrough of the Mediterranean squadron of Senyavin, together with the allied British, through the Dardanelles into the Sea of Marmara and the destruction of the Turkish fleet. Third - the Danube army, by its actions, distracts the enemy's attention from Istanbul.
Chichagov's plan did not carry in itself fundamentally unrealizable moments and was quite feasible, if not for one "but". The main task in this plan was set before the Black Sea Fleet, but it did not have sufficient forces and means for this. After the end of the reign of Catherine II, the Black Sea Fleet was no longer given due attention, it greatly weakened - both quantitatively and qualitatively. Since 1800, its main commander was Vilim Fondazin, who did not show himself in the best way in the Russian-Swedish war of 1788–1790. Since 1802, the Marquis de Traversay was appointed to this post. The activities of these naval commanders in relation to the forces entrusted to them soon made themselves felt. For example, according to the state, the Black Sea Fleet was supposed to have 21 ships of the line, but in fact it had only six.
On January 21, 1807, de Traversay received an order to prepare for an amphibious operation in the Bosphorus. At first, the Frenchman cheerfully reported to St. Petersburg that everything was already quite ready, and the transports at his disposal could take on board at least 17 thousand people. And yet, obviously, the marquis was able to look at things from a different angle and more soberly evaluate his own achievements, since already on February 12 he reported to Chichagov that, they say, the regiments intended for the landing were not fully staffed, there were many recruits in them, and there are not enough officers. Proceeding from this, it is impossible to land at the Bosphorus. In fact, de Traversay simply could not find enough transport crew. At first, having unsubscribed to the authorities about the positive state of affairs, the marquis was now smoothly shifting the blame for his embarrassment onto the mighty shoulders of the land command. The Bosphorus operation was terminated at the preparatory stage, and, most likely, the main factor of cancellation was still not technical, but human. For example, the actions of Senyavin's squadron operating in the Mediterranean were bold and decisive (this topic deserves a separate presentation).
Peace offers
Meanwhile, since the spring of 1807, military operations were unhurriedly waged on the Danube. From the beginning of March, General Meyendorff's corps began the siege of Ishmael, which lasted unsuccessfully until the end of July. There were occasional skirmishes between the two armies, but the Turks still could not gather their troops into a shock fist, and the compact Moldavian army continued to remain on the defensive. The war in Europe continued: at the beginning of 1807 there was a bloody battle at Preussisch-Eylau, which ended in a draw. The initiative remained in the hands of Napoleon, and in the next battle at Friedland on July 14, 1807, the Russian army under the command of General L. L. Bennigsen was defeated.
Even before this event, Alexander I believed that for Russia to be in a state of war with two opponents at once was too costly and dangerous. Therefore, the emperor decided to offer the Turks peace on terms acceptable to both sides. In order to probe the ground for negotiations, an official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the French emigrant Charles André Pozzo di Borgo was sent to Senyavin's squadron. The diplomat had with him an extensive instruction signed by the king. The Russian proposals did not carry any radical and unrealizable demands, and it was quite possible to agree with them. The Turks were asked to return to the observance of previous treaties and conventions - primarily on the straits. Russia agreed to withdraw its troops from Moldavia and Wallachia, leaving garrisons only in the fortresses of Khotin and Bendery to guarantee. However, these garrisons were to remain there only during the war with France. Pozzo di Borgo was ordered to negotiate with the Turks on joint action to expel the French from Dalmatia. Moreover, the Turks did not have to do anything - just let the Russian troops pass through their territory. They did not forget about the Serbs in St. Petersburg: Pozzo di Borgo had to achieve for them the right to choose a prince for themselves, with the subsequent approval of him by the Sultan.
On May 12, a Russian diplomat arrived on the Senyavin-controlled island of Tenedos. The next day, a captive Turk was sent to Kapudan Pasha (the commander of the fleet) along with a letter containing a request to let the Russian envoy to Istanbul. The admiral received no answer. He wrote two more letters with similar content - the result was the same. In fact, quite turbulent events took place in the Turkish capital, which somewhat prevented the leadership of the Omani Empire from focusing on peace negotiations.
Military coup in Turkey
Turkish Sultan Selim III
The Russian squadron managed to block the sea approaches to the Turkish capital so tightly that the supply of food there completely stopped. The bulk of the supply of Istanbul was carried out by waterways, and it was they who were almost completely cut. In the capital, tensions gradually developed due to food shortages. Market prices have skyrocketed by several orders of magnitude. Even the Istanbul garrison began to receive cut rations. And in such a not very favorable situation, Sultan Selim III did not find a better occupation for himself, how to organize the reforming of the uniforms of the Turkish army in a European manner. The Sultan was a lover of everything European and with the most active assistance of the French ambassador, General Sebastiani, even before the war began, he began to implement a complex of reforms in the army, which received the general name "Nizam-i Jedid" (literally "New order").
Not all innovations were enthusiastically accepted in the military environment, and the period of adoption of the new uniform did not come at the best time. The Russian fleet in the most impudent way stood at the entrance to the Dardanelles, in fact, in the center of the empire, and its own naval forces cowardly, in the opinion of the disgruntled subjects of the Sultan, were hiding in the Sea of Marmara. Irritation with inappropriate at that time innovations grew into an open armed uprising. On May 17, 1807, the garrison of Istanbul raised a revolt, widely supported not only by the ordinary population, but also by the clergy. Quickly seizing the direction of the gusty wind of change, Musa, Kaimakam Pasha (the governor of the capital), joined the rebels. Resistance in the Sultan's palace was quickly suppressed: 17 close associates of Selim III were killed, whose heads were solemnly carried through the streets. The deposed padishah, together with his brother Mahmud, was imprisoned, and the cousin of Selim III, who now became Mustafa IV, ascended the throne. The coup was actively supported in the provinces - the commanders of the armies and navy rushed to express their loyalty to the new ruler. The coup received ideological support from the Supreme Mufti, who declared Selim III a violator of the covenants of the prophet Muhammad and therefore worthy of the death penalty. Nevertheless, the detached sultan was kept under arrest, but in the palace. (Subsequently, in 1808, when a group of conspirators tried to free him, Selim was strangled by order of Mustafa IV).
"New order" in the Turkish army
Despite the change of power in Istanbul, nothing has systematically changed in relations between Russia and Turkey. On May 28, Senyavin finally received an answer to his messages, in which it was unambiguously stated that "the Sultan is busy" and was ready to receive the envoy only with a personal letter from the tsar with apologies. The Turks were still little beaten, the young sultan's entourage wanted the war to continue, since the situation in Istanbul itself was very unstable: the people directly demanded that their ruler lift the blockade and resume the supply of food.
Truce is a comma in war
The conclusion of the Peace of Tilsit had a direct impact on the Balkan situation. On one of its points, Russia pledged to cleanse Moldova and Wallachia and return "war booty" to Turkey. On August 12, 1807, an armistice was signed between the two sides in the town of Zlobodtsy. The fighting ceased and the Russian troops abandoned their positions and began to withdraw. However, during the unhurried withdrawal of the army from the Danube principalities, its individual units were systematically attacked by irregular units of the Turks. This situation was declared by Alexander I to be offensive to Russian weapons, and the Moldavian army returned to its former positions without starting hostilities. The Turkish command chose not to escalate the situation, and the positional confrontation of both armies continued on the Danube until March 1809.
Napoleon, for whom the very fact of Russia's non-interference in European affairs was important, did not pay much attention to the factual violation by Alexander I of one of the points of the Tilsit Peace. Perhaps an unconditional agreement to transfer control of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles to Russia would be a good contribution to France in exchange for the loyalty of St. Petersburg, but Napoleon did not dare to take such a categorical step. In 1807-1809. he offered the Russian side several options for dividing the Ottoman Empire, but with regard to the straits he was always evasive. The emperor was ready to give the Bosphorus to Russia, and to keep the Dardanelles for himself, believing that the Russian possession of both straits would mean an excessive concession for France. There was a short lull in the war in Europe and the Balkans. Fighting resumed only in 1809 - Russian troops crossed the Danube, and to the north, in Austria, Wagram's cannonade would soon rumble.
