As the centenary of the revolution approaches, the attention of scientists is increasingly turning to the events of a century ago in an attempt to comprehend their essence and causes, connection with the present day, to learn the lessons of history. One of the pressing issues related to the comprehension of the experience of the revolution is the question of the degree of loyalty to the old government of the province in general and the "owners of the provinces" in particular. Could Emperor Nicholas II consider the governor's corps as a support for maintaining his own power?
Wartime governors
The First World War had a significant impact on the local government system. It was necessary to organize the work of industrial and craft enterprises, to fight shortages, speculation and rising prices, to provide treatment for the wounded and the accommodation of refugees. On the basis of the Emergency Protection Regulations, introduced after the announcement of mobilization, the governors were granted the rights of the chief governors of the provinces. They could issue binding decrees regulating both the economic and social spheres of life in the provinces and having the force of law on their territory. The main task of the governors was to maintain social tranquility and level the negative impact of military circumstances on the lives of ordinary people, which was carried out by the governor and the police apparatus subordinate to him in conjunction with local government. Governors had experience working with garrison chiefs to use troops to maintain public order. The actions of the governors, dictated by the severity of the moment, were not united by a nationwide policy, gave rise to regionalization and increased the influence of the governor's personality on the life of the province entrusted to him.
During the war years, the frequency of rotation of the governor's corps increased, and the average tenure of a governor was reduced. In 1916 alone, 43 new appointments took place1. The active movement of governors, their little connection with the provinces, destabilized the situation, although the social homogeneity of the governor's corps, its inclusion in the empire's elite guaranteed stability in a crisis of central government.
The ups and downs of personnel policy
These tendencies have found their striking embodiment on the example of the Oryol province and its last "owner". The beginning of the war was met at the post of the Oryol governor by the actual state councilor S. S. Andreevsky, who by that time had been in office for eight years. During this period, he managed to establish close contacts with the local elite. In December 1915, Andreevsky was appointed senator and departed for St. Petersburg2. The province was headed by A. V. Arapov, who previously served as governor of Simbirsk. Compared to his predecessor, Arapov used administrative measures more widely to establish order in the market, adhered to a more rigid management style, and repeatedly addressed the population with appeals. At the end of 1916, Arapov was transferred to the post of Governor of Vologda3. The provincial noble assembly submitted a request to leave him in the province4, but the efforts were in vain.
The last governor of the Oryol province was strikingly different from his predecessors. It was the 33-year-old Count Pyotr Vasilievich Gendrikov. He was distinguished not only by a surprisingly young age for the highest positions (at the age of 26 Gendrikov became the Kursk vice-governor), but also by belonging to the highest aristocracy. The Hendrikov family descended from the sister of Empress Catherine I. Peter Gendrikov's father was the master of ceremonies at the court5 and a prominent figure in high society. In Alexei Tolstoy's short story "The Adventures of Nevzorov, or Ibicus," St. Petersburg bourgeois Nevzorov, dreaming of a bright life, imagines himself … the illegitimate son of Gendrikov, that is, as it were, the half-brother of the hero of our narrative6. After the death of Gendrikov Sr. in 1912, Peter Gendrikov's sister Anastasia, who became the maid of honor of the Empress, was brought closer to the court.
Gendrikov Jr. began a military career typical of his circle. After graduating from the Naval Cadet Corps, he was enlisted in the 18th naval crew, but at the same time attached to Her Majesty's Cavalry Regiment, and in 1904 he finally established himself on land, being transferred to the Cavalry Guards. In 1909, Gendrikov was enrolled in the reserve with the rank of lieutenant of the guard7. The fact that he left the fleet, did not take part in hostilities and retired early may indicate poor health.
So, in 1909 P. V. Gendrikov began his civilian career, being immediately appointed as the acting vice-governor of Kursk under the governor M. E. Gilchene (1908-1912). As a rule, the initial step for the civil service was the position of the zemstvo chief or participation in the estate of noble self-government. Gendrikov did not have such experience, although at the same time as his appointment to the vice-governor's post, he was elected as the district leader of the nobility as a Kharkov landowner. When appointed to the post of vice-governor, Gendrikov received the rank of collegiate assessor (VIII class of the Table of Ranks). Note that in the XIX - early XX century. the position of vice-governor usually corresponded to the 5th grade of ranks, and the position of the governor - to the 4th grade8. However, the formal inconsistency of the rank of the post did not prevent the beginning of Gendrikov's civil career. Simultaneously with the rank of collegiate assessor, Gendrikov received the court rank of chamber-junker (V class). It was only in 1913 that Gendrikov was promoted to court counselor (VII grade) and was approved in the vice-governor's office already under the governor N. I. Muratov (1912-1915).
House of Governors in Oryol. Photo: Homeland
Six and a half years old P. V. Gendrikov served as the Kursk vice-governor, repeatedly fulfilling governor's duties (in 1915 - as many as 33 weeks) 9. In 1915 alone, four governors were replaced in Kursk. Muratov, who served for almost three years, was successively replaced by: A. A. Katenin (February 23 - April 30), S. D. Nabokov (May 26 - August 17), N. L. Obolensky (September 15 - December 7). At the bottom of the list was A. K. von Baggovut 10. Most likely, during the period of the change of the first persons of the province, their duties were also performed by the vice-governor.
In May 1916, Gendrikov managed to get the post of governor of Courland, but by that time the Kurland province had been occupied by the Germans for almost a year. Therefore, Gendrikov was transferred to a similar position in the Oryol province. This was preceded by his two-month stay in Petrograd, 11 which was obviously busy with the efforts of a promising appointment. It is curious that the last "acting" governor of Courland was S. D. Nabokov, transferred to the post of Kursk governor after the retreat of the Russian army. Recall that Gendrikov acted as vice-governor under him.
It is possible that the post of governor, occupied at the age of 33, was viewed by Gendrikov as an intermediate step on the way to higher circles. The hasty transfer of the previous governor, Arapov, and the apparent "release" of the post for a new applicant, testified that by the end of 1916 the Oryol province was perceived as calm. However, the long-awaited governor's post for Gendrikov turned out to be not a gift of fate, but a responsible position. He had to stay as governor for about two months, without being officially approved, and meet the February Revolution at his post.
Emperor Nicholas II in Livadia. Photo: RIA Novosti
February revolution in the Oryol province
The last days of February 1917, Oryol lived in tense anticipation of news from the capital. Rumors of unrest in Petrograd reached the residents. On February 25, the publication of the capital's newspapers stopped, and then for two days the connection with the capital was lost. On February 28 and March 1, the Petrograd Telegraph Agency, the supplier of news for the Oryol press, was silent12. Many residents of Orlov rushed to the station, eagerly asking visitors and passers-by about the capital's news13. The provincial government also found itself in an information vacuum.
By the end of the day on February 28, Progressist Deputy A. A. Bublikov ordered to send telegrams throughout the railway network, from which the country learned about the incident. The telegraph communications of the Ministry of the Interior were not controlled by the Ministry of Internal Affairs14. We can only agree with the assessment of the significance of this step given by Yu. V. Lomonosov: This telegram in the March days played a decisive role: by the morning of March 1, that is, two days before Nikolai's abdication, all of Russia, or at least that part of it that lies no further than 10-15 versts from railways, I learned that a revolution had taken place in Petrograd. … The fact is that Bublikov found the courage to solemnly notify the whole of Russia about the creation of a new government at a time when, in fact, there was no government yet”15.
On the same night, telegrams were sent to all cities on the formation of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma16. In Orel, by 1 pm on March 1, such telegrams were received by the mayor and the chairman of the provincial zemstvo council. The Oryol governor received fateful news "from second hand" - from the head of the railway gendarme administration and from the leaders of the self-government17.
Thus ended February and began March 1917. After consulting with the heads of various departments, the governor decided to maintain the status quo whenever possible. Army guards were posted near all significant institutions. The traditional memorial service for Emperor Alexander II was served [18]. The position of P. V. Gendrikov is reflected in his appeal to residents, which was prepared on March 1 and published the next day. The main motive of the appeal was the call "to calmly and soberly wait for the resolution of the events taking place in Petrograd until the Emperor himself shows us to whom we must obey." The governor assured the residents of Orlov that decisive measures had been taken to ensure personal and property security, and the supply of food19.
The balance was disturbed the next day by the head of the Oryol garrison, Lieutenant-General Nikonov, who offered to submit to the Provisional Government. The idea was not supported, but by three o'clock on March 2, the head of the garrison sent a telegram recognizing the authority of the Provisional Government. The 38,000th garrison went over to the side of the opposition. At the same time, the Oryol City Duma formed the Public Security Committee, which included the provincial leader of the nobility, Prince A. B. Kurakin and the chairman of the provincial zemstvo council S. N. Maslov. The committee took over the management of the provincial center, declaring its subordination to the Provisional Government.
On the third of March, rallies were in full swing in Oryol. General Nikonov announced the subordination of the troops of the city garrison to the Public Security Committee and led the march of units "in a cab and with a huge red flag." The governor dismissed the police.
The next day, the news was received about the abdication of the emperor and the refusal of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich to ascend the throne until the decision of the Constituent Assembly. Having announced the last Manifesto at a meeting of the heads of various departments, the governor recognized the authority of the Public Security Committee and telegraphically notified St. Petersburg of the support of the Provisional Government. Having received a certificate of loyalty to the governor, the Committee and the Oryol Soviet of Workers' Deputies expressed their readiness to work together, but the next day the provincial commissars of the Provisional Government were put at the head of the local government. Soon, as the Oryol newspapers reported, P. V. Gendrikov departed for treatment at the Caucasian Mineral Waters.
The events of the February Revolution in the Oryol province can be regarded as typical, at least for the European part of Russia. The difference could lie in the level of spontaneous violence. Thus, a crowd of Tver governor N. G. Bynting, who refused to recognize the authority of the local Public Security Committee and was arrested. But still, we will not find examples of independent actions by governors to protect the existing system. A significant role in this was played by outwardly legitimate forms of the transfer of power from the autocrat to the Provisional Government, the composition of which was approved by the last imperial decree.
