Zimbabwe is one of the few African countries where events regularly attract the attention of the international community. The recent events in Harare were no exception, ending decades of authoritarian rule by Robert Mugabe. The origins of the events taking place today lie in the unusual history of this controversial country, which has numerous deposits of minerals and precious stones, but is best known in the world for its fantastic hyperinflation. How did the state of Zimbabwe appear on the world map, what makes Robert Mugabe in power so remarkable, and what events led to the recent "bloodless transfer of power"?
Monomotapa
At the turn of the 1st and 2nd millennia A. D. In the area between the Limpopo and Zambezi rivers, the Bantu-speaking Shona tribes who came from the north created an early class state. It went down in history under the name Monomotapa - after the title of its ruler "mveni mutapa". He was both the leader of the army and the high priest at the same time. The flourishing of the state fell on the XIII-XIV centuries: at this time, stone construction, metalworking, ceramics reached a high level, trade was actively developing. Gold and silver mines became the source of the country's prosperity.
Rumors of Monomotapa's wealth attracted the attention of Portuguese colonialists who settled in the early 16th century on the coast of modern Mozambique. Monk João dos Santos, who visited the country, reported that “this mighty empire, full of mighty stone buildings, was created by people calling themselves canaranga, the country itself is called Zimbabwe, after the name of the main palace of the emperor, called monomotapa, and there is more gold than one can imagine king of Castile."
An attempt by the Portuguese under the leadership of Francisco Barreto in 1569-1572 to conquer Monomotapu failed. Along the way, it turned out that the rumors about the "African Eldorado" were greatly exaggerated. As the monk dos Santos sadly stated, “the good Christians hoped, like the Spaniards in Peru, to immediately fill the bags with gold and take away as much as they found, but when they (…) saw with what difficulty and risk to the life of the kaffirs, they extract metal from the bowels of the earth and rocks, their hopes were dispelled."
The Portuguese lost interest in Monomotapa. And soon the country plunged into civil strife. Complete decline came at the end of the 17th century.
Later, violent events unfolded in southern Africa associated with the conquest campaigns of the great Zulu ruler Chaki. In 1834, the Ndebele tribes, formerly part of the Zulu union, led by the leader Mzilikazi, invaded the lands of present-day Zimbabwe from the south. They conquered the local Shona. The heir to Mzilikazi, who ruled the country that the British called Matabeleland, faced new European colonialists.
The coming of Rhodes
Rumors about the wealth of mineral resources in the area between the Limpopo and Zambezi rivers, where, allegedly in antiquity, the "mines of King Solomon" were located, in the 1880s attracted attention to these lands of the "diamond king" of South Africa Cecil Rhodes. In 1888, his emissaries secured from the ruler of Matabeleland Lobengula "full and exclusive use of all minerals" on his lands, as well as the right to "do whatever they may think necessary to extract them."
The British South African Company (BJAC), established the following year, received from the British crown exclusive rights "in the South African region north of British Bechuanaland, north and west of the Republic of South Africa and west of Portuguese East Africa." The company could use "all the benefits from (concluded with local leaders on behalf of the crown - author's note) concessions and agreements." In return, she pledged to "maintain peace and order", "gradually eliminate all forms of slavery," "respect the customs and laws of groups, tribes and peoples" and even "protect elephants."
Gold prospectors poured into the lands north of Limpopo. They were followed by white colonists, whom the BUAC actively lured with promises of "the best and most fertile land" and "an abundance of native labor." The ruler of Lobengula, realizing that the aliens were taking the country away from him, rebelled in 1893. But the old guns and natives 'assegai could not withstand the whites' Maxims and Gatlings. In the decisive battle on the shores of the Shangani, the British destroyed fifteen hundred Lobenguli soldiers, losing only four killed. In 1897, the Shona uprising, which went down in history as "Chimurenga", was suppressed - in the Shona language this word just means "uprising". After these events, a new country appeared north of Limpopo, named after Cecil Rhodes, Rhodesia.
From war to war
BUAC ruled the lands of Rhodesia until 1923. Then they came under the direct control of the British crown. To the north of the Zambezi, a protectorate of Northern Rhodesia arose, to the south - a self-governing colony of Southern Rhodesia, in which power belonged to white settlers. The Rhodesians took an active part in the wars of the Empire: with the Boers, both world wars, the fight against the communist rebels in Malaya in the 1950s, the resolution of the emergency situation in the Suez Canal zone.
In April 1953, during decolonization, both Rhodesia and present-day Malawi were merged into a self-governing territory called the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. In the future, it was to become a separate dominion of the Commonwealth. But these plans were thwarted by the rise of African nationalism in the late 1950s. The dominant white South Rhodesian elite in the Federation, naturally, did not want to share power.
In southern Rhodesia itself, in 1957, the first African nationalist party, the South Rhodesian African National Congress, emerged. It was led by trade unionist Joshua Nkomo. Party supporters demanded the introduction of universal suffrage and the redistribution of land in favor of Africans. In the early 1960s, school teacher Robert Mugabe joined the congress. Thanks to his intelligence and oratorical gift, he quickly came to the fore.
Nationalists staged demonstrations and strikes. The white authorities responded with repression. Gradually, the actions of the Africans became more and more violent. At this time, the right-wing conservative Rhodesian Front became the leading party of the white population.
After several bans, Nkomo's party took shape in 1961 into the Union of the African People of Zimbabwe (ZAPU). Two years later, the radicals, dissatisfied with Nkomo's too moderate policies, left ZAPU and organized their own party - the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Both organizations have begun training their fighters.
The Rhodesians were also preparing for war. In an era of rising African nationalism, whites could no longer rely solely on a regular battalion of the Royal Rhodesian Riflemen, manned by black soldiers with white officers and sergeants, and three territorial battalions of the Rhodesian white militia regiment. In 1961, the first regular white units were formed: the Rhodesian light infantry battalion, the Rhodesian SAS squadron and the Ferret armored car division. Hunter fighters, Canberra light bombers and Alouette helicopters were purchased for the Rhodesian Air Force. All white males between the ages of 18 and 50 were enlisted in the territorial militia.
In 1963, following unsuccessful reform efforts, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland was dissolved. The following year, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland became independent states of Zambia and Malawi. The independence of Southern Rhodesia remained on the agenda.
Second Chimurenga
By the mid-1960s, of the 4.5 million inhabitants of Southern Rhodesia, 275 thousand were whites. But in their hands was control over all spheres of life, secured by the formation of government bodies, taking into account property and educational qualifications. Negotiations between the government of Southern Rhodesia, led by Ian Smith, and British Prime Minister Harold Wilson on the future of the colony were unsuccessful. The British demand to hand over power to the "black majority" was unacceptable to the Rhodesians. On November 11, 1965, Southern Rhodesia unilaterally declared independence.
The Wilson government imposed economic sanctions against the self-proclaimed state, but did not dare to conduct a military operation, doubting the loyalty of its own officers in the current situation. The state of Rhodesia, which has become a republic since 1970, has not been officially recognized by anyone in the world - not even its main allies South Africa and Portugal.
In April 1966, a small group of ZANU fighters infiltrated Rhodesia from neighboring Zambia, attacking white Rhodesian farms and cutting telephone lines. On April 28, near the town of Sinoya, the Rhodesian police surrounded the armed group and, with air support, completely destroyed it. In September of the same year, to prevent the infiltration of militants from Zambia, units of the Rhodesian army were deployed on the northern border. The war broke out, which white Rhodesians usually call "the war in the bush", and black Zimbabweans - "Second Chimurengoy". In modern Zimbabwe, April 28 is celebrated as a national holiday - "Chimurengi Day".
Rhodesia was opposed by the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) and the Zimbabwean People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) - the armed wings of the two main parties ZANU and ZAPU. ZANU was guided by pan-African ideas. Over time, Maoism began to play an increasingly important role in her ideology, and she received the main support from the PRC. ZAPU gravitated rather towards orthodox Marxism and had close ties with the USSR and Cuba.
One of the leading ZANLA commanders, Rex Ngomo, who began the fight as part of ZIPRA, and later became the commander-in-chief of the Zimbabwean army under his real name, Solomon Mujuru, in one interview with the British press, compared the Soviet and Chinese approaches to military training:
“In the Soviet Union, I was taught that the decisive factor in war is weapons. When I got to Itumbi (the main training center of ZAPLA in the south of Tanzania), where the Chinese instructors were working, I realized that the decisive factor in the war is people."
Tying ZANU and ZAPU to the two main ethnic groups, Shona and Ndebele, is a tenacious myth of Rhodesian propaganda - albeit not devoid of certain grounds. Ideological factors and the ordinary struggle for leadership played an equally important role in the split. The majority of the ZAPU leadership have always been Shona, and Nkomo himself belonged to the Kalanga people, "Ndebelezed Shona." On the other hand, the first leader of ZANU was the priest Ndabagingi Sitole from the “chonized Ndebele”. However, the fact that ZANLA operated from the territory of Mozambique, and ZIPRA from the territory of Zambia and Botstvana, influenced the recruitment of personnel for these organizations: respectively, from the areas of Shona and Ndebele.
By the end of the war, ZANLA detachments numbered 17 thousand fighters, ZIPRA - about 6 thousand. Also on the side of the latter fought detachments of "Umkonto we Sizwe" - the armed wing of the South African ANC (African National Congress). Militant units raided the territory of Rhodesia, attacked white farms, mined roads, blew up infrastructure facilities, and staged terrorist attacks in cities. Two Rhodesian civilian airliners were shot down with the help of Strela-2 MANPADS. In 1976 ZANU and ZAPU formally merged into the Patriotic Front, but retained their independence. The struggle between the two groups, with the feasible assistance of the Rhodesian special services, never stopped.
By the end of the war, the Rhodesian army numbered 10,800 fighters and about 40 thousand reservists, among whom there were many blacks. The strike units were the Rhodesian SAS deployed into a full-fledged regiment, the Saints battalion of the Rhodesian Light Infantry, and the Selous Scout Special Anti-Terrorist Unit. Many foreign volunteers served in the Rhodesian units: British, Americans, Australians, Israelis and many others who came to Rhodesia to fight "world communism".
An increasingly important role in the defense of Rhodesia was played by South Africa, which began with the dispatch of 2 thousand police officers to the neighboring country in 1967. By the end of the war, up to 6,000 South African troops were secretly in Rhodesia, dressed in Rhodesian uniforms.
At first, the Rhodesians were quite effective in restraining the penetration of partisans across the border with Zambia. Partisan actions intensified sharply in 1972, after the start of large-scale deliveries of weapons from the countries of the socialist camp. But the real disaster for Rhodesia was the collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire. With Mozambique's independence in 1975, the entire eastern border of Rhodesia has become a potential front line. Rhodesian troops could no longer prevent the infiltration of militants into the country.
It was in 1976-1979 that the Rhodesians conducted the most large-scale and famous raids against the ZANU and ZAPU militant bases in neighboring Zambia and Mozambique. The Rhodesian Air Force was raiding bases in Angola at this time. Such actions allowed at least a little to restrain the activity of the militants. On July 26, 1979, during one such raid, three Soviet military advisers were killed in a Rhodesian ambush in Mozambique.
The Rhodesian authorities agreed to negotiate with moderate African leaders. In the first general elections in June 1979, the black bishop Abel Muzoreva became the new prime minister, and the country was named Zimbabwe-Rhodesia.
However, Ian Smith remained in the government as a minister without a portfolio, or, as Nkomo quipped, "a minister with all portfolios." The real power in the country, on 95% of whose territory martial law was in effect, was in fact in the hands of the commander of the army, General Peter Walls, and the head of the Central Intelligence Organization (CRO), Ken Flowers.
From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe
By the end of 1979, it became clear that only a full-scale South African intervention could save Rhodesia from a military defeat. But Pretoria, which had already fought on several fronts, could not take such a step, fearing, among other things, the reaction of the USSR. The economic situation in the country worsened. Pessimism reigned among the white population, which was reflected in a sharp increase in military evasion and emigration. It was time to give up.
In September 1979, direct negotiations of the Rhodesian authorities with ZANU and ZAPU began at London's Lancaster House, through the mediation of the British Foreign Minister Lord Peter Carington. On December 21, a peace agreement was signed. Rhodesia was temporarily returning to the state it was in until 1965. Power in the country passed into the hands of the British colonial administration, headed by Lord Christopher Soams, which demobilized the opposing sides and organized free elections.
War is over. She claimed about 30 thousand lives. The Rhodesian security forces lost 1,047 dead, killing more than 10,000 militants.
The first free elections in February 1980 brought ZANU victory. On April 18, Zimbabwe's independence was proclaimed. Robert Mugabe took over as prime minister. Contrary to the fears of many, Mugabe, having come to power, did not touch the whites - they retained their positions in the economy.
Against the background of Nkomo, who demanded immediate nationalization and the return of all black lands, Mugabe looked like a moderate and respectable politician. In this way, he was perceived in the next two decades, being a frequent visitor to Western capitals. Queen Elizabeth II even elevated him to the dignity of knighthood - however, it was canceled in 2008.
In 1982, the conflict between the two leaders of the national liberation movement turned into open confrontation. Mugabe fired Nkomo and his party members from the government. In response, armed ZAPU supporters from among the former ZIPRA fighters in the west of the country began to attack government agencies and enterprises, kidnap and kill ZANU activists, white farmers, and foreign tourists. The authorities responded with Operation Gukurahundi, a Shona word for the first rains that wash away debris from the fields ahead of the rainy season.
In January 1983, the 5th brigade of the Zimbabwean army, trained by North Korean instructors from among the ZANU activists, went to North Matabeleland. She set about restoring order in the most brutal way. The result of her active work was the burned down villages, the murders of those suspected of having links with the militants, mass torture and rape. State Security Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa - the very central figure of the modern conflict - cynically called the rebels "cockroaches" and the 5th brigade - "dostom".
By mid-1984, Matabeleland was pacified. According to official figures, 429 people died, human rights activists claim that the death toll could have reached 20 thousand. In 1987, Mugabe and Nkomo were able to reach an agreement. Its result was the unification of ZANU and ZAPU into a single ruling party ZANU-PF and the transition to a presidential republic. Mugabe became president and Nkomo took over as vice president.
On the fronts of African wars
The integration of the former Rhodesian forces, ZIPRA and ZANLA, into the new Zimbabwean National Army was overseen by the British Military Mission and was completed by the end of 1980. The historic Rhodesian units were disbanded. Most of their soldiers and officers left for South Africa, although some remained to serve the new country. The CRO, led by Ken Flowers, also went into the service of Zimbabwe.
The number of the new army was 35 thousand people. The armed forces formed four brigades. The strike force of the army was the 1st Parachute Battalion under the command of Colonel Dudley Coventry, a veteran of the Rhodesian SAS
Soon the new army had to join the battle. In neighboring Mozambique, a civil war was raging between the Marxist FRELIMO government and the RENAMO rebels supported by South Africa. In this war, Mugabe took the side of his old ally, the President of Mozambique, Zamora Machel. Starting with the dispatch in 1982 of 500 troops to guard the vital highway for Zimbabwe from the Mozambican port of Beira, by the end of 1985 the Zimbabweans had brought their contingent to 12 thousand people - with aviation, artillery and armored vehicles. They waged full-scale military operations against the rebels. In 1985-1986, Zimbabwean paratroopers under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Lionel Dyck conducted a series of raids on RENAMO bases.
The insurgents responded in late 1987 with the opening of an "Eastern Front". Their troops began to raid Zimbabwe, burning farms and villages, mining roads. To cover the eastern border, a new, 6th brigade of the national army had to be urgently deployed. The war in Mozambique ended in 1992. The losses of the Zimbabwean army amounted to at least 1,000 people killed.
In the 1990s, the Zimbabwean contingent participated in separate operations in Angola on the side of government forces against the UNITA rebels. In August 1998, the intervention of Zimbabweans in the conflict in the Congo saved the Kabila regime from collapse and turned the internal conflict in that country into what is often called the "African World War". It lasted until 2003. Zimbabweans played a major role in the South African Community contingent who fought on the side of the Kabila government. The number of Zimbabwean soldiers in the Congo reached 12 thousand, their exact losses are unknown.
"Third Chimurenga" and economic collapse
By the late 1990s, the situation in Zimbabwe was steadily deteriorating. Reforms begun in 1990 at the IMF's prescription destroyed local industry. The standard of living of the population has fallen sharply. Due to the sharp demographic growth, there was an agrarian famine in the country. At the same time, the most fertile lands continued to remain in the hands of white farmers. It was in their direction that the Zimbabwean authorities directed the growing discontent of the country's inhabitants.
In early 2000, war veterans led by Changjerai Hunzwi, nicknamed Hitler, began to take over white-owned farms. 12 farmers were killed. The government supported their actions, dubbed the "Third Chimurenga," and passed a law through parliament to confiscate land without ransom. Out of 6 thousand "commercial" farmers, less than 300 remained. Part of the captured farms was distributed among the officers of the Zimbabwean army. But the new black owners did not have knowledge of modern agricultural technology. The country was on the verge of starvation, from which it was saved only by international food aid.
All this dramatically changed the attitude of the West towards Mugabe: in just a few months he turned from a wise statesman into a “tyrant”. The United States and the European Union imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe, and the country's membership in the Commonwealth of Nations was suspended. The crisis was getting worse. The economy was falling apart. By July 2008, inflation had reached a fantastic figure of 231,000,000% per year. Up to a quarter of the population was forced to leave to work in neighboring countries.
In this environment, the diverse opposition united to form the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by popular union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. In the 2008 elections, the IBC won, but Tsvangirai refused to participate in the second round of elections due to a wave of violence against the opposition. In the end, through the mediation of South Africa, an agreement was reached on the division of power. Mugabe remained president, but a government of national unity was formed, headed by Tsvangirai.
Gradually, the situation in the country returned to normal. Inflation was defeated by the abandonment of the national currency and the introduction of the US dollar. Agriculture was being restored. Economic cooperation with the PRC expanded. The country has seen little economic growth, although 80% of the population still lives below the poverty line.
Foggy future
ZANU-PF regained full power in the country after winning the elections in 2013. By this time, the struggle within the ruling party had intensified over the question of who would succeed Mugabe, who had already turned 93 years old. Opponents were the faction of veterans of the national liberation struggle led by Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa, nicknamed Crocodile, and the faction of “young” (forty) ministers, grouped around the president’s scandalous and power-hungry wife, 51-year-old Grace Mugabe.
On November 6, 2017, Mugabe fired Vice President Mnangagwa. He fled to South Africa, and Grace launched a persecution of his supporters. She intended to place her people in key positions in the army, which forced the commander of the armed forces of Zimbabwe, General Konstantin Chivenga, to act.
On November 14, 2017, the commander demanded an end to the political purges. In response, the Grace Mugabe-controlled media accused the general of mutiny. With the onset of darkness, army units with armored vehicles entered the capital Harare, taking control of television and government buildings. Mugabe was placed under house arrest, and many members of the Grace faction were detained.
On the morning of November 15, the army announced the incident as a "correctional movement" against "the criminals who surrounded the president, who caused so much suffering to our country with their crimes." Backstage talks are currently ongoing on the future configuration of power in Zimbabwe. Robert Mugabe has been under house arrest since Wednesday, but he showed up for his graduation ceremony at the Zimbabwe Open University yesterday afternoon.
