Among the countries of the "socialist camp" that emerged in Eastern Europe after the victory of the Soviet Union in World War II, Albania has occupied a special place since the first post-war years. Firstly, it was the only country in the region that freed itself from the Nazi invaders and local collaborators on its own. It was not the Soviet troops or the Anglo-American allies, but the communist partisans who brought Albania freedom from the Nazi occupation. Secondly, among other leaders of the Eastern European states, Enver Hoxha, who became the de facto leader of Albania after the war, was truly an ideological, not a "situational" Stalinist. Stalin's policy aroused admiration in Khoja. When Enver Hoxha attended the Victory Parade in Moscow in June 1945 and met with the Soviet leadership, he was able to secure technical and economic assistance from the Soviet state.
In August 1945, the first cargo ships arrived in Albania from the USSR, carrying vehicles, equipment, medicines, and foodstuffs.
Thus began the cooperation of Albania with the Soviet Union, which lasted for more than a decade. According to Enver Hoxha, the path traversed by the Soviet Union was to become a model for Albania. Industrialization and collectivization were considered by the leadership of the Albanian communists as the most important directions for the development of the Albanian state in the post-war period. By the way, in 1948, on Stalin's advice, the Communist Party of Albania was renamed the Albanian Party of Labor and under this name it continued to exist until the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe. Thus, Albania met the first post-war years, being a loyal ally of the USSR and following in the wake of the USSR's foreign policy. However, by no means all the countries of the "socialist camp" relations with Albania developed cloudlessly.
Conflict with Yugoslavia and the fight against the "Titovites"
Almost from the first days of the existence of post-war Albania, relations with neighboring Yugoslavia have seriously deteriorated. Problems in Albanian-Yugoslav relations were outlined back in the years of World War II, when Albanian and Yugoslav partisans waged a joint struggle against the Nazi and Italian invaders. The disagreements between the Albanian and Yugoslav communists were connected, firstly, with the problem of Kosovo and Metohija - a region inhabited by both Serbs and Albanians, and secondly - with the long-standing idea of Josip Broz Tito to create a “Balkan Federation”.
- Proclamation of the Republic. Painting by Fatmir Hadjiu.
The Albanians saw in the "Balkan Federation" the Yugoslavs' desire to dominate and feared that if it was created and Albania became part of it, the Albanian population would be in a minority and would be discriminated against and assimilated by its Slavic neighbors. Josip Broz Tito and Milovan Djilas tried to persuade Enver Hoxha to accept the idea of the Balkan Confederation, describing the advantages of Albania in the event of integration with Yugoslavia, but Enver Hoxha, being a patriot of sovereign Albania, stubbornly refused the proposals of the Yugoslavs. Relations between Albania and Yugoslavia were rapidly deteriorating, especially since Khoja announced Tito's plans to Moscow and tried to convince Stalin of the danger of Tito and the Titoist line not only for Albania, but for the entire "socialist camp".
In accordance with the post-war plans of the Soviet and East European communists, the Balkan Federal Republic should have been created on the Balkan Peninsula - a state that would include Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania and Albania. A potential candidate for membership in the Balkan Federation was also Greece, in which in the second half of the 1940s. local communists waged an active partisan struggle. In the event of the victory of the Communists, Greece was also proposed to be included in the Balkan Federal Republic. It is noteworthy that initially Joseph Stalin was also a supporter of the creation of the Balkan Federation, but later he "gave the go-ahead" for the creation of a federation only within Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania. On the other hand, Josip Broz Tito opposed the inclusion of Romania and Greece in the federation, as he feared that these relatively politically developed and culturally independent countries could become a counterweight to Yugoslavia, which claims the leading role in the Balkan federation. Tito saw Bulgaria and Albania as federal republics within the Balkan Federation centered in Belgrade. Campaigning the leadership of the Albanian Communist Party for the inclusion of the country in Yugoslavia, the Titovites justified their proposals for integration by the economic weakness of the Albanian state, the absence of industry in Albania and the general social and cultural backwardness of the region. Albania, if the plan to create the Balkan Federation was implemented, was waiting for the absorption by Yugoslavia, which many Albanian political leaders, including Enver Hoxha, could not agree to. However, there was also a strong Yugoslav lobby in Albania, whose "face" was considered Kochi Dzodze (1917-1949), the Minister of Internal Affairs of Albania and a member of the Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labor. In addition to him, such party functionaries as Nuri Huta from the Agitation, Propaganda and Press Directorate and Pandey Christo from the State Control Commission adhered to pro-Yugoslav sentiments. With the help of the pro-Yugoslav lobby, Tito and his entourage took all possible steps towards the complete subordination of the Albanian economy to the interests of Yugoslavia. The armed forces of Albania were being reconstructed according to the Yugoslav model, which, according to Tito, should have contributed to the early subordination of the country to Belgrade. In turn, many Albanian communists, who did not share the pro-Yugoslav positions of Kochi Dzodze and his entourage, were extremely dissatisfied with the policy of neighboring Yugoslavia, since they saw in it expansionist plans for the complete subordination of Albania to Josip Broz Tito. These fears intensified after Yugoslavia began to vigorously lobby for the idea of introducing a Yugoslav army division into Albania, ostensibly to protect the borders of Albania from possible encroachments from the Greek side.
- Kochi Dzodze, founder of the Albanian special services and one of the leaders of the Communist Party
In 1949, the Soviet Union broke off relations with Yugoslavia. This was facilitated by numerous disagreements between the two states, primarily the growing ambitions of Tito, who claimed leadership positions in the Balkans and to pursue an independent foreign policy, which is far from in all cases consistent with the foreign policy of the USSR. In Albania, the termination of Soviet-Yugoslav relations was reflected in the further strengthening of the positions of Enver Hoxha, who opposed cooperation with Yugoslavia. In the internal party struggle, the victory was won by the supporters of Khoja, who were oriented towards the Soviet Union. At the First Congress of the Albanian Party of Labor, the activities of the Albanian "Titovites" were exposed. Kochi Dzodze and his supporters were arrested, on January 10, 1949, an investigation began in the Tito case, which ended with a trial and the death sentence of Kochi Dzodze. After the suppression of the Yugoslav lobby, Enver Hoxha actually took full power in the country into his own hands. Albania adopted a confident pro-Soviet orientation, declaring in every possible way loyalty to the precepts of Lenin and Stalin. With the help of the Soviet Union, the modernization of Albanian industry continued, the strengthening of the army and state security agencies. Albania joined the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, received a loan for the purchase of Soviet products. With the help of the Soviet Union, an auto-tractor plant was built in Tirana. In accordance with the foreign policy line of the Soviet Union on the sharp criticism of the Tito regime, which was characterized only as a fascist and policeman, in Albania, the persecution of party members and civil servants began, suspected of sympathizing with the Yugoslav leader and the Yugoslav model of socialism. The political regime in the country became tougher, as Enver Hoxha and his closest associate Mehmet Shehu were extremely concerned about possible manifestations of subversive activities on the part of the Yugoslav special services.
In the first post-war decade, the economic development of Albania was carried out at a rapid pace - in many respects, with the support of the Soviet Union. The tasks of modernizing the Albanian economy were complicated by the extreme backwardness of the Albanian society, which, before the victory of the communists in the country, was essentially feudal in nature. The small number of the proletariat did not allow the formation of a cadre of the party leadership from its worthy representatives, therefore, the Albanian Party of Labor was still ruled by people from the wealthy strata of Albanian society, who had received a good European education in the pre-war period, primarily in France. The first five-year plan for the development of the Albanian economy was developed with the participation of specialists from the Soviet State Planning Committee. Moreover, in fact, Soviet scientists became the authors of the program for the development of the Albanian economy. The plan was personally approved by Enver Hoxha and Joseph Stalin. In accordance with the five-year plan, Albania expected the collectivization of agriculture and the massive development of industry, primarily the construction of power plants to provide the country with electricity. In Tirana, factories were built on the model of ZIS and ZIM, with the help of the Soviet Union, railway construction was developed on the territory of the country. In addition to the Soviet Union, in the early 1950s. Albania is developing relations with the German Democratic Republic, North Vietnam and China. Subsequently, it is relations with China that will play a crucial role in the development of Albania during the Cold War era. Enver Hoxha became a frequent guest in the Soviet Union, earning the sympathy and trust of Stalin.
When Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin died in March 1953, Enver Hoxha, shocked by this news, began to ponder the further consequences of the death of the Soviet leader for the Albanian state. He quite reasonably treated with some degree of distrust to many people from Stalin's inner circle. As it turned out - not in vain. The death of Stalin entailed fundamental changes in the domestic and foreign policy of the Soviet Union, affecting the Soviet-Albanian relations. Like the Chinese leader Mao Zedong, Enver Hoxha did not go to Moscow for I. V. Stalin, fearing a possible attempt on his life. In the death of the Soviet leader, Khoja saw the intrigues of anti-Stalinists in the leadership of the CPSU and believed that for the sake of further de-Stalinization of the socialist camp, opponents of Stalin in the Soviet leadership could physically eliminate such convinced Stalinists as he or Mao Zedong.
De-Stalinization of the USSR and the deterioration of Soviet-Albanian relations
At first, Soviet-Albanian relations, as it seemed, continued to develop along a knurled track. The USSR provided economic and technical assistance to Albania, officially called it a fraternal country. However, in reality, tension between the two states was growing and the denouement, with an inevitable break in bilateral relations, was approaching. In fact, the starting point in the subsequent Soviet-Albanian confrontation was the XX Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, at which the new leader of the Soviet Communist Party, Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, made a report "On the personality cult of Stalin." This report signified the transition of the Soviet leadership to a policy of de-Stalinization, which was perceived by the leaders of some states of the "socialist camp" as a betrayal of the ideals of Lenin - Stalin and the turn of the Soviet Union on a "reactionary" path. In protest against the anti-Stalinist speech of Khrushchev, Zhou Enlai representing China and Enver Hoxha, representing Albania, demonstratively left the venue of the congress, without waiting for its official closing. In the same 1956, the Third Congress of the Albanian Party of Labor was held, at which there was criticism of Enver Hoxha and Mehmet Shehu. Apparently, the speeches of some Albanian communists were directed in Moscow and aimed at the “de-Stalinization” of Albania along the lines of the Soviet Union. But, unlike the USSR, in Albania, criticism of Enver Hoxha's "personality cult" failed. And, first of all, because the ordinary masses of the poor peasant population of the country remembered Khoja as a partisan commander, treated him with great respect, and pro-Soviet and pro-Yugoslav sentiments were spread only among the small party intelligentsia. After the Third Congress of the APT, a purge of "reactionaries" took place in the country, as a result of which hundreds of people were arrested - members of the Albanian Party of Labor and non-party members. Albania abandoned the Soviet course of de-Stalinization and proclaimed loyalty to Stalin's principles, as proof of which the Order of Stalin was even established by Enver Hoxha.
In Moscow, the behavior of the Albanian leadership caused a sharply negative reaction. After all, the presence of open supporters of Stalinism in the international communist movement, and even those represented at the level of states, and not marginal groups, called into question the ideological correctness and adequacy of the Soviet leadership and the Soviet Communist Party as a whole. Moreover, China remained on the Stalinist positions - the most powerful state of the "socialist camp" after the USSR. Between China and Albania since the second half of the 1950s. Bilateral relations began to develop, the strengthening of which coincided with the gradual dissolution of Soviet-Albanian ties. In 1959, Nikita Khrushchev undertook a trip to Albania, during which he tried to persuade Enver Hoxha and other communist leaders to abandon Stalinism and support the line of the CPSU. But Khrushchev's persuasions and even threats to deprive Albania of economic support from the Soviet Union did not work on the leaders of the Albanian Party of Labor (especially since Albania expected economic assistance from China). Khoja refused Khrushchev's offer. Albania and the Soviet Union entered a phase of open ideological confrontation.
Speech by Enver Hoxha in Moscow at a meeting of the Communist Parties. 1960
In 1962, Albania withdrew from the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, and the next year it officially "threw" the Soviet Union, announcing that it was not going to return to Moscow those who had been recruited during the years of being in power. Stalin's debts. The loss of Albania turned into serious economic, military-political and image problems for the Soviet Union. First, the USSR lost its influence on the second socialist country in the Balkans (Yugoslavia fell out of the USSR's field of influence back in the 1940s). Secondly, after the breakdown of Soviet-Albanian relations, Albania refused to maintain a Soviet naval base on its territory, which deprived the Soviet Navy of strategic positions in the Adriatic Sea. Recall that in 1958, a Soviet naval base was located in the city of Vlora, which housed a separate submarine brigade, as well as auxiliary and anti-submarine units. After a sharp deterioration in relations between the USSR and Albania in 1961, Soviet sailors were withdrawn from the territory of the country. Thirdly, Enver Hoxha's demonstrative loyalty to Stalin's ideas, accompanied by sharp criticism of the Soviet Union for "reconciliation" with the capitalist world, added popularity to the Albanian leader among the radical part of the world communist movement and even among a part of Soviet citizens who were skeptical about Khrushchev and his anti-Stalinist policy. “Long live the Leninist government without the talker and traitor Khrushchev. The madman's policies have resulted in the loss of China, Albania and millions of our former friends. The country has reached a dead end. Let's rally the ranks. Let's save the homeland! " - such leaflets, in 1962, for example, were distributed in Kiev by a member of the CPSU, 45-year-old Boris Loskutov, chairman of a collective farm. That is, we see that among Soviet citizens, the loss of Albania was perceived as a result of the political stupidity of Nikita Khrushchev or his outright hostility to the ideas of Lenin-Stalin. In October 1961, the 22nd Congress of the CPSU was held, at which Nikita Khrushchev sharply criticized the policy of the Albanian Party of Labor. In December 1961, Albania broke off diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. Since then, and for thirty years, Albania has existed outside the field of Soviet political influence.
From alliance with China to isolation
The place of the Soviet Union in the system of foreign policy and foreign economic relations of Albania was quickly taken by China. Albania and the People's Republic of China were brought together, first of all, by the attitude to the role of the personality of I. V. Stalin in the world communist movement. Unlike most Eastern European countries that supported the USSR's line of de-Stalinization of the communist movement, China, like Albania, did not agree with Khrushchev's criticism of Stalin's “personality cult”. Gradually, two centers of gravity were formed in the communist movement - the USSR and China. More radical communist parties, factions and groups gravitated towards China, unwilling to deviate from the Stalinist course and, moreover, to follow the Soviet line on peaceful relations with the capitalist West. When the Soviet Union, having cut ties with Albania, stopped delivering food, medicine, machinery and equipment to the country, China took over the delivery of 90% of the goods Moscow had promised Tirana. At the same time, the PRC provided large financial loans to Tirana on more favorable terms. In turn, Albania supported the political course of the PRC and turned into the "European mouthpiece" of Maoist foreign policy. It was Albania from 1962 to 1972. represented the interests of the People's Republic of China at the United Nations. The PRC and Albania had similar positions on a number of major issues of international policy, which also contributed to the development of bilateral economic ties. However, as the Sino-Albanian relations strengthened, it turned out that the specialists arriving from the PRC were significantly inferior in knowledge and qualifications to Soviet specialists, but due to the severed relations with the Soviet Union, Albania could no longer do anything - the country's economy and defense had to be content with the help of the Chinese advisors and equipment supplied from China.
- "Flesh of the flesh of his people." Painting by Zef Shoshi.
1960s - 1980s in Albania, the political regime was finally strengthened, opposing itself both to the capitalist countries of the West and to the "socialist camp" under the leadership of the USSR. In 1968, after the USSR invaded Czechoslovakia, Albania withdrew from the Warsaw Pact, thereby finally dissociating itself even in the military-political respect from the countries of the "socialist camp" of Eastern Europe. Not everything went smoothly in Albanian-Chinese relations either. When China, perfectly aware of the need to further strengthen its economy, possible only through the development of external relations with other countries, including capitalist ones, gradually moved to liberalize relations with Western countries, Albania spoiled relations with the PRC as well. The volume of foreign trade between the two states was sharply reduced. In fact, after the break with China, Romania remained the only full-fledged partner of Albania in the communist camp. Although Romania was a member of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the Warsaw Pact Organization, the Romanian leader Nicolae Ceausescu adhered to an independent foreign policy line and could afford to be friends with "disgraced" Albania. In turn, Albania saw Romania as a natural ally - the only non-Slavic socialist state in the Balkans. At the same time, Albania maintained trade relations with a number of other socialist states of Eastern Europe, including Hungary and Czechoslovakia. The only thing from which Albania sought to distance itself as much as possible was from the development of trade relations with the United States and the capitalist countries of Europe. The exception was France, since Enver Hoxha had a rather positive attitude towards the figure of General Charles de Gaulle. In addition, Albania provided quite tangible support to numerous Stalinist parties and groups in all countries of the world - from Turkey and Ethiopia to the countries of the "socialist camp", where Stalinist groups opposed to the official pro-Soviet line also operated. A number of national liberation movements in the Third World countries also enjoyed the support of Albania.
- Land Reform. Receiving documents for land. Painting by Guri Madi.
Hoxhaism - Albanian version of "Juche"
Throughout the post-war decades, the power and authority of the head of the Albanian Party of Labor, Enver Hoxha, were strengthening in Albania itself. He still remained an ardent supporter of the ideas of Lenin and Stalin, formulating his own ideological doctrine, which received the name "Hoxhaism" in political science. Hoxhaism has common features with the North Korean Juche ideology, which consists primarily in the desire for self-sufficiency and a certain isolationism. For a long time, Albania remained the most closed country in Europe, which did not prevent Enver Hoxha and his associates from carrying out a fairly effective communist experiment on its territory. Enver Hoxha considered Joseph Stalin as an example of a political leader who cares about his people, and the Soviet Union under Stalin's leadership was the ideal form of government. In Albania, unlike other socialist countries of Eastern Europe, monuments to Stalin, geographical names and streets named after Stalin were preserved, the anniversary of the October Revolution, the birthdays and deaths of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin and Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin were officially celebrated. Kuchova, one of the relatively large Albanian cities, was named after Stalin. Albania played an important role in the system of international propaganda of Stalinism - it was in Albania that extensive propaganda literature was published, as well as Stalin's writings, and the latter were also published in Russian. The isolationist policy pursued by Hoxha was determined by the military-mobilization nature of Albanian society in the 1960s - 1980s. Finding itself almost completely isolated, Albania began building socialism on its own, while simultaneously building up its defense potential and improving the state security system. From the Soviet Union of the thirties, Albania borrowed the policy of regular "purges" of the party and state apparatus, the fight against revisionism.
It is known that Albania is a multi-confessional state. It is historically inhabited by Muslims - Sunnis, Muslims - Shiites, Christians - Catholics and Orthodox. There have never been serious conflicts on the basis of interfaith relations in Albania, but during the reign of Enver Hoxha, a course was taken for the complete secularization of Albanian society. Albania became the first and only state in the world to be officially declared "atheistic". Formally, all Albanians were recognized as atheists, and an intensified struggle was waged against any manifestations of religiosity. All property and all buildings of religious institutions, be they mosques, churches or monasteries, were confiscated by the state and transferred to the needs of social and economic infrastructure. Attempts by citizens to baptize their children or to perform wedding ceremonies according to Christian or Muslim customs were severely punished, up to the death penalty for violators of anti-religious prohibitions. As a result of atheistic upbringing in Albania, generations of citizens of the country have grown up who do not profess any of the religions traditional for the Albanian people. In religion, Enver Hoxha saw a competitor for the communist ideology, which during the years of his reign pervaded all spheres of life in Albanian society. Of great interest is the socio-economic policy of Enver Hoxha, which, despite some shortcomings and excesses, was carried out in the interests of the working strata of the Albanian population. Thus, in accordance with the Hoxhaist doctrine, in a socialist country, representatives of the Communist Party and civil servants cannot have privileges that distinguish them from the general milieu of workers, peasants and working intelligentsia. Therefore, Enver Hoxha decided to permanently reduce the wages of party and government workers. Due to the constantly decreasing salaries of officials, there was an increase in pensions, social benefits, wages of workers and employees. Back in 1960, income tax was abolished in Albania, and prices for a whole range of goods and services fell annually. So, by the end of the 1980s. the average Albanian worker or office worker, receiving about 730 - 750 leks, paid 10-15 leks for an apartment. Employees with more than 15 years of experience received the right to an annual paid voucher to resorts, preferential payment for medicines. All workers, schoolchildren and students were provided with free meals at the place of work or study.
- Enver Hoxha and student youth
The unconditional conquests of the Albanian people during the reign of Enver Hoxha include, first of all, the elimination of illiteracy. Back in the early 1950s. the overwhelming majority of Albanians were illiterate, as their childhood and adolescence passed in a terrible war era or in pre-war royal Albania. By the end of the 1970s, through the efforts of the Albanian communists, illiteracy in the country was completely eliminated. School textbooks and school uniforms in socialist Albania were free of charge, which greatly facilitated the budgets of families raising school-age children. In addition, it was in socialist Albania that for the first time the birth rate was raised to the highest level in Europe - 33 people per thousand, and the death rate - up to the level of 6 people per thousand. Thus, the Albanian nation, previously, due to its backwardness, actually dying out, received an incentive for development. By the way, in the event of the death of one of the spouses, the remaining family members were paid a monthly salary or pension of the deceased throughout the year, which was supposed to help them "get on their feet" and recover after the departure of a relative. The measures to stimulate the birth rate also had a material component. So, a woman, having given birth to her first child, received a 10% increase in salary, the second - 15%. Paid maternity and childcare leave was two years. At the same time, there were certain restrictions - an Albanian could not have a personal car or piano, a VCR or a non-standard dacha, listen to Western radio and music, and rent out his living space to strangers.
In 1976, Albania passed a law banning foreign loans and borrowings, which was explained by the completion of the construction of the country's self-sufficient economic system. By 1976, Albania was able to create a model of management that allowed it to fully meet the country's needs for food, industrial equipment, and medicines. It is significant that quite recently, the former extremely backward, Albania began to export some manufactured goods to the countries of the "third world". Periodically, political purges took place in the country, as a result of which members of the party and state leadership who did not agree with any nuances of Khoja's political course were eliminated. So, on December 17, 1981, Mehmet Shehu died under mysterious circumstances. In the Albanian Party of Labor and in the Albanian state, Mehmet Shehu (1913-1981) held a very serious position - he was considered the second most important political figure in the country after Enver Hoxha.
Even in the pre-war period, Shehu received a military education in Italy, then participated in the Spanish Civil War as part of the brigade named after. J. Garibaldi. During World War II, Mehmet Shehu commanded a partisan division, then became chief of the general staff of the armed forces and rose to the military rank of "general of the army". It was Mehmet Shehu who led the purge against the Titovites and Khrushchevites, and from 1974 he served as Minister of National Defense. However, in 1981, disputes began between Khoja and Shehu over the further development of Albania. As a result, on December 17, 1981, Shehu died, allegedly committing suicide after being exposed as a Yugoslav spy. But there is another version - Mehmet Shehu, who was once the closest person to Enver Hoxha, was shot dead right at a meeting of the Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labor. Mehmet Shehu's relatives were arrested. It is likely that in the early 1980s. in the Albanian leadership, supporters of the liberalization of relations with China and even with the USSR appeared. However, Enver Hoxha, who remained loyal to the Stalinist ideals, did not want to make concessions and preferred to use the old and tried-and-true method in the battles for power - party purges.
The collapse of the last Stalinist fortress in Europe
However, despite the ideological inflexibility, physically Enver Hoxha, who by the beginning of the 1980s. exceeded seventy, was not the same. By 1983, his health had significantly deteriorated, in particular - diabetes worsened, provoking a heart attack and stroke. In fact, Enver Hoxha in 1983-1985. gradually departed from the real leadership of Albania, transferring most of his duties to Ramiz Alia. Ramiz Alia (1925-2011) was a member of the younger generation of the old communist guard in Albania. He happened to participate in the partisan movement as a political worker, and then as a commissar of the 5th division. In 1949-1955 Ramiz Aliya headed the Union of Working Youth of Albania, in 1948 he became a member of the Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labor, and in 1960 - the secretary of the Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labor. Like Khoja, Ramiz Alia was a supporter of the “self-reliance” policy, which explained the sympathy of the Albanian leader for him. It is not surprising that it was Ramiz Aliya who was predicted to replace Enver Hoxha's successor in the event of the death of the leader of communist Albania.
In March 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in the Soviet Union and embarked on a policy of "perestroika". A month after Gorbachev took over the leadership of the Soviet Union, on the night of April 11, 1985, as a result of a cerebral hemorrhage, 76-year-old leader of the Albanian Party of Labor and the Albanian state, 76-year-old Enver Khalil Khoja, died in Albania.
A nine-day mourning was declared in the country, during which the most trusted foreign guests attended the funeral of the leader of the Albanian Party of Labor - representatives of the leadership of the communist parties of the DPRK, Vietnam, Laos, Kampuchea, Romania, Cuba, Nicaragua, South Yemen, Iran and Iraq. The Albanian leadership sent telegrams of condolences sent from the USSR, China and Yugoslavia back, accepting only the condolences of Fidel Castro, Nicolae Ceausescu and Kim Il Sung. On April 13, 1985, Ramiz Alia was elected first secretary of the Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labor. Once at the head of the Albanian state, he embarked on some liberalization of political life in the country, although he retained strict censorship in the media. Alia undertook two large-scale amnesties for political prisoners - in 1986 and 1989, stopped the practice of mass purges, and also began to establish foreign economic relations with Greece, Yugoslavia, Turkey and Italy. Against the background of the processes of dismantling socialist regimes taking place in the world, the political situation in Albania was sharply destabilized.
In December 1990, massive student demonstrations took place in the capital. In 1991, the opposition Democratic Party of Albania emerged in the northern part of the country, and on April 3, 1992, Ramiz Aliya, who lost de facto control over the situation in the country, was forced to resign. In August 1992 he was placed under house arrest. In 1994, the last communist leader of Albania was sentenced to 9 years in prison, but in 1996 he managed to escape to the United Arab Emirates, where he, periodically visiting Albania (after the termination of the criminal prosecution), and lived the remaining years, having died in 2011 d. Despite the fact that in Albania the communist regime is a thing of the past, and the attitude towards the ideas and activities of Enver Hoxha in society ranges from sharply negative to approving, the political heritage of the Albanian revolutionary finds its followers in various countries of the world.
