Troubles. 1919 year. 100 years ago, the troops of the Red Southern Front, during the Kharkov operation, defeated the Belgorod-Kharkov, and then, during the Nezhinsko-Poltava and Kiev operations, the Kiev group of the Volunteer Army. December 12, 1919, the Red Army liberated Kharkov. On December 16, the Reds occupied Kiev. On December 19, Kharkov was declared the capital of the Ukrainian SSR.
The troops of the Red Southeast Front, together with the troops of the Southern Front in the Khopyor-Don operation, defeated the corps of the White Don Army. Denikin's plan by the introduction of large reserves to achieve a turning point in the struggle was thwarted. Denikin's troops were thrown back into the Donbass and across the Don River.
White goes to the bottom. Failure of foreign policy
In the summer of 1919, British General G. Holman, the new head of the allied mission and personal representative of the Minister of War W. Churchill, arrived at Denikin's Headquarters. In his message to Denikin, Churchill promised assistance with military equipment and specialists. But he noted that the resources of England, depleted by the great war, "are not unlimited." In addition, the British must fulfill their obligations not only in southern Russia, but also in the North and Siberia. General Holman was a direct fighter and honestly tried to help Denikin's army. As a pilot, he even took part in air operations himself.
At the same time, British diplomacy continued its intrigues. The diplomatic mission, headed by General Kees, subordinate to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, diligently poked its nose into all the affairs and intrigues that took place in the South of Russia, participated in various conferences and consultations, and various kinds of "talking houses". And after the defeat of Kolchak's army in Siberia, British diplomacy began to "merge" and the white South. The head of the British government, Lloyd George, believed that the Bolsheviks could not be defeated by force of arms and Britain could no longer spend huge amounts of money in this endless war, it was necessary to look for other means to "restore peace and change the system of government in unhappy Russia." London was working on the topic of convening a conference where, with the mediation of the great powers, it would be possible to reconcile the warring parties.
France's policy was muddled and confused. On the one hand, the French supported the whites, fearing an alliance between the Bolsheviks and Germany. Paris needed Russia to continue to contain Germany. On the other hand, support was mainly in words, especially after the evacuation from Odessa. Real help was constantly inhibited, the French used various kinds of bureaucratic clues for this. At the same time, the French were greedy, although after the war there was a huge amount of weapons, ammunition, equipment, various materials that were simply superfluous. Paris was afraid to sell too cheap, raised the issue of compensation of an economic nature. In parallel, the French were still trying to bet on Petliura, who no longer had any chance of success in Little Russia. Also, France supported Poland, which laid claim to Western Russian lands, which could not please Denikin.
Under Denikin, Colonel Corbeil was the French representative. But in fact, he was only an intermediary between the White Headquarters and Constantinople, Paris. Great hopes were pinned on the arrival in the fall of 1919 of the mission of General Mangin, who was supposed to facilitate relations between the white command and the French leadership in order to organize the anti-Bolshevik struggle. But these hopes did not come true. The mission's activities were reduced to gathering information and consultations, endless stupid negotiations, without concrete decisions and deeds. In the United States, at this time, isolationists were strengthening, demanding a departure from European affairs. In addition, Washington was more interested in the Far East and Siberia than in the South of Russia.
The Western community also had radical plans to combat Bolshevism. For example, it was proposed to put an end to Russian communism with the help of Germany and Japan, giving them the opportunity to plunder Russia in return. They say that Germany, defeated in the war, cannot pay reparations to the Entente, but she can be given the opportunity to receive funds for restoration at Russian expense. So the West will kill several birds with one stone. Suppress the Russian communists with the help of the Germans, finally enslave Russia and give Germany the opportunity to pay debts to London and Paris. But France was actively opposed to this idea. The French feared that Germany would quickly recover and threaten Paris again. It is interesting that the French and Germans in their political forecasts showed the possibility of the emergence in the future of a strategic alliance Germany - Russia - Japan, or Italy - Germany - Russia - Japan. This alliance could become a threat to Western democracies (France, England and the United States). And the United States opposed the strengthening of Japan at the expense of Russia, which had its own plans to turn Siberia and the Far East into an American sphere of influence.
As a result, the hopes of the Whites for serious help from the Entente did not come true. The West did not help. More precisely, he even contributed to the defeat of the White movement, since he was not interested in the re-creation of "a single and indivisible Russia." The West relied on a protracted fratricidal war, which would exhaust the strength and potential of the Russian people, a quick victory of white or red, England, France and the United States did not suit. The Entente also contributed with all its might to the collapse of Russia, the breakaway from it of the outskirts, Finland, Poland, the Baltic states, Little Russia-Ukraine, Transcaucasia, the Far East, etc.
Greater Poland
The whites could not agree with Poland either. Nationalist Poland seemed to be a natural ally of the White Guards. Poland was hostile to the Bolsheviks and started a war against Soviet Russia. Warsaw had a strong and large army. Denikin tried to establish an alliance with the Poles. As soon as communications were established, he sent home the Polish brigade of Zelinsky, formed in the Kuban. White military and civilian authorities met the wishes of the Poles, who wanted to return home, helped refugees and prisoners of the world war. The offensive of the left wing of Denikin's army on Kiev solved the problem of uniting the White Guards with the Polish army. This was supposed to free the western part of the front for an attack on Moscow, reliably cover the left flank from the Red Army. Also, a railway connection with Western Europe was opened - hopes for real help from the Entente had not yet died out.
However, all attempts to establish an alliance with Warsaw failed. All messages went unanswered. The mission promised by the Poles led by General Karnitsky at Denikin's Headquarters appeared only in September 1919. Negotiations with the Karnitsky mission, which lasted for several months, did not yield anything. Meanwhile, the Poles stopped fighting against the Reds on the Western Front. The point was that the Poles forgot about the strategy to the detriment of the territorial issue. Warsaw was only interested in the borders of the Rzecz Pospolita - 2, which was to include Courland, Lithuania, Belaya Rus, Galicia, Volhynia and a significant part of Little Russia. The Polish lords dreamed of a great power from the Baltic to the Black Sea. The situation seemed favorable. Therefore, Warsaw clearly did not like the idea of the White Guards about a "united and indivisible Russia". The Poles decided that the seizure of Moscow by the Denikinites was not beneficial to them. It is better to drag out the war, bleed both sides, so that Poland can realize its plans to the maximum.
It is clear that Denikin was not told about this directly. But the maps of the "lands of Polish settlement" were constantly shown, up to Kiev and Odessa, it was proposed to express their point of view on the fate of certain territories. Denikin, on the other hand, stood on the untimeliness of territorial disputes in a war, the need for temporary boundaries. The final decision was postponed until the end of the war and the creation of an all-Russian government. Denikin wrote to Pilsudski that the fall of the ARSUR or their significant weakening would put Poland in front of all the forces of the Bolsheviks, which could cause the death of the Polish state.
However, Warsaw was deaf to these reasonable appeals. The Poles were blinded by the desire to create a power "from sea to sea", and believed in their military power. The Polish elite did not want to fully cooperate with the White Guards, fearing the revival of the former Russia. British General Briggs, who arrived in Warsaw from the Entente to resolve the Russian question, Piłsudski frankly declared that in Russia he had "no one to talk to, so Kolchak and Denikin are reactionaries and imperialists."
The Entente, as part of its “divide and rule” strategy, tried to push Poland to an alliance with the White Army, or at least to organize interaction. But the obstinate Polish gentlemen refused. They stubbornly ignored the directives of their senior partners. Warsaw declared that Denikin did not recognize the independence of Poland, although its independence was recognized by the Provisional Government. The Poles said that it was useless to establish ties with Denikin, he had no authority, he would wait for Kolchak's instructions. Although Denikin had the authority to communicate with neighboring countries, and the Poles knew about it.
Thus, Warsaw relied on the mutual extermination of Russians, both red and white, not wanting to strengthen Denikin's army. When the British nevertheless managed to persuade the Polish side, Pilsudski said that in winter the army would not advance out of disorder in the rear, devastation in the already occupied territories. He promised to launch an offensive in the spring, but by this time Denikin's army had already been crushed. As a result, Moscow was able to remove the best divisions from the Western Front and throw them against the White Guards. Also, the western flank of the red Southern Front could calmly turn to the Poles in the rear, and begin an offensive on Kiev and Chernigov.
Kuban problem
The White Army, as noted earlier, had major problems in the rear. In the North Caucasus, they had to fight with the highlanders, the North Caucasian Emirate, and keep troops on the border with Georgia. The fight against rebels and bandits was waged everywhere. Little Russia and New Russia were on fire, where Father Makhno gathered an entire army and waged a real war with the White Guards (Makhno's blow to Denikin).
There was no order even in the ranks of the White Army itself. The Kuban dealt a powerful blow in the back to the Armed Forces of the South of Russia. Kuban lived in the rear for more than a year, quietly and calmly, and decomposition began. Other Cossack troops at that time fought intensely: the Don repulsed the attacks of the Reds on its territory, the Terek - repulsed the raids of the mountaineers. The Kuban army fell into the illusion of its own security. The decomposition, in contrast to the bottom, in which the split occurred “below” (the separation of the Red Cossacks and the “neutral”), began “from above”.
As early as January 28, 1918, the Kuban Regional Military Rada, headed by N. S. Ryabovol, proclaimed the independent Kuban People's Republic on the lands of the former Kuban Region. At first, the Kuban Republic was viewed as part of the future Russian Federal Republic. But already on February 16, 1918, the Kuban was proclaimed an independent independent Kuban people's republic. During 1918, the Kuban rushed between the hetman Ukraine and the Don, which had their supporters in the regional government. In June 1918, the Kuban government decided to support the Volunteer Army.
However, in the future, relations between Denikin's army and the Kuban elite, where the positions of the socialists and self-styledists were strong, escalated. Denikin's headquarters considered the Kuban as an integral part of Russia, sought to abolish the Kuban government and were glad and the complete subordination of the Kuban Cossack army to the white commander. The Kubans, on the other hand, strove to defend their autonomy, and even to embroider it. While the front was passing by, the relationship between the volunteers and the Kuban was strained, but tolerant. But they soon became hostile.
The first major reason for the rupture was the murder on June 14 (27), 1919 in Rostov, the chairman of the Kuban Rada, Nikolai Ryabovol. The crime was committed in the territory controlled by the Don government. The perpetrators were not found, although the Denikinites were suspected, since Ryabovol was one of the leaders of the self-styledists and sharply criticized the Denikin regime. But there was no hard evidence. The Kuban Rada blamed Ryabovol's death on “enemies of the people, servants of reaction, monarchists,” that is, volunteers. The Kuban Cossacks began to defect from the Volunteer Army.
When Denikin's Headquarters moved from Yekaterinodar to Taganrog, and the Special Meeting - to Rosto-on-Don, the Kuban self-protesters felt complete freedom and turned to the fullest. Kuban began to behave like an independent state, introduced customs, refused to sell bread even to the Don, not to mention the "white" regions. As a result, the Donets bought bread, but more expensively, through speculators. The press accused the Volunteer Army of all sins. The defeat of Kolchak's army was frankly rejoicing. Rada openly declared that it was necessary to fight not only with the Bolsheviks, but also with the reaction, relying on Denikin's army. A special meeting was called a force that wants to destroy democracy, take away land and freedom from the Kuban. It is clear that, seeing such a situation in their small homeland, the Kuban Cossacks, who fought at the front, quickly decomposed and tried to escape home. The desertion of the Kuban people became so massive and their share in Denikin's troops, which at the end of 1918 was 2/3, by the beginning of 1920 fell to 10%.
Already at the beginning of autumn 1919, the deputies of the Rada carried out active propaganda to separate the Kuban from Russia. Various rumors defaming the volunteers were spread. Like, Denikin sold bread to England for supply, so food prices went up. They say that there is not enough manufactory and manufactured goods because of the "blockade of the Kuban" by whites. They say that the volunteers have excellent weapons and uniforms, and the Kuban people are "barefoot and naked." They say that the Cossacks are forced to fight with the "friendly" highlanders of Dagestan and Chechnya, with the "kindred Ukrainians" of Petliura. Demands were made to remove the Kuban units from the front and to garrison them in the Kuban. The volunteer army was declared the culprit of the civil war, the Denikinites are allegedly trying to restore monarchism. The Makhno program was supported. The idea was put forward that without volunteers the Kuban people would be able to come to an agreement and reconcile with the Bolsheviks. The people as a whole did not care about this propaganda, as well as about "independence" and "democracy" (they were more worried about the price of bread). But the main thing is that this propaganda affected the Kuban units.
So, while the Caucasian army, which consisted mainly of the Kuban, was advancing in the area of Tsaritsyn and Kamyshin, the fighting spirit was high. But as soon as the protracted defensive battles began, which did not promise much booty (the capture of trophies was a disease of the Cossacks), losses, autumn with cold weather and typhus, so the general desertion began. They fled from the front line, and the house was quite close. Those who left for rest or treatment in the Kuban usually never returned. The deserters lived quietly in the villages, the authorities did not persecute them. Many went to the gangs of the "green", which existed practically legally (their chieftains were associated with the deputies of the Rada). Others went to spare parts and "haidamaks" (security detachments), which the Kuban Rada kept as the core of its future army. In the fall of 1919, it came to the point that only 70 - 80 sabers remained in the front-line Kuban regiments, and their combat effectiveness was minimal. After desperate efforts of the military command, it was possible to achieve the direction of the Kuban reinforcements to the front. The regiments were brought up to 250 - 300 soldiers. But it didn't get any better. The strongest element remained on the front line, and the already completely decomposed Cossacks arrived and began to corrupt the rest.
The Kuban self-protesters conducted separate negotiations with Georgia and Petliura. Georgia expressed its readiness to recognize the sovereign Kuban and come to its aid to defend "democracy and freedom". At the same time, the Kuban delegation at the Paris Peace Conference raises the question of admitting the Kuban People's Republic to the League of Nations and signs an agreement with the highlanders. The agreement between the Kuban and the highlanders could be considered as directed against the Terek army and the AFSR.
This overflowed Denikin's cup of patience. On November 7, 1919, the commander-in-chief ordered that all those who signed the treaty be brought before the field court. In the Rada, this order was considered a violation of the Kuban "sovereignty" by Denikin. At the suggestion of Wrangel, Kuban was included in the rear area of the Caucasian Army, which was headed by General Pokrovsky (Wrangel became the commander of the Volunteer Army, replacing May-Mayevsky). The Kuban radicals called for an uprising, but the bulk was frightened. The energy and cruelty of Pokrovsky was known since 1918. Pokrovsky put things in order. On November 18, he presented an ultimatum: to issue him at 24 hours Kalabukhov (the only member of the Paris delegation, the rest did not return to the Kuban), and 12 leaders of the self-styled activists. Rada chairman Makarenko and his supporters tried to arrest Ataman Filimonov and seize power. But the majority of the deputies, frightened by Pokrovsky, expressed their confidence in the chieftain. Makarenko escaped. Pokrovsky, after the expiration of the ultimatum, brought in troops. Kalabukhov was tried and executed, the rest of the self-styled were exiled to Constantinople.
The Kuban Rada calmed down for a short time. Wrangel, who arrived, was greeted with a standing ovation. The Rada adopted a resolution on unification with the Volunteer Army, abolished the powers of the Parisian delegation, and amended the constitution. Atman Filimonov, who pursued the weather vane policy, resigned and was replaced by General Uspensky. However, this victory of the Headquarters of Denikin over the Kuban was short-lived and late. Already two months later, the Rada restored full autonomy and canceled all concessions to the Supreme Soviet of Yugoslavia.
