On February 25, Georgia celebrates a strange holiday - the Day of Soviet Occupation. Yes, it is precisely by the years of "occupation" that the post-Soviet Georgian leadership is trying to portray the seven decades that Georgia was part of the Soviet Union. And this is despite the fact that Joseph Stalin (Dzhugashvili) led the Union for three decades, many other immigrants from Georgia played a significant role in the political, economic, cultural life of the entire Soviet Union, and Georgia was considered one of the richest Soviet republics. In fact, the Day of Soviet Occupation in modern Georgia is called the date of the entry of the Red Army into Tiflis - February 25, 1921. It was on this day that the armed confrontation between the young Soviet Russia and the Georgian Democratic Republic, created and sponsored by foreign states pursuing their own goals in Transcaucasia, officially ended.
How Georgia got "sovereignty"
A small digression should be made here. Before the February Revolution of 1917, the lands of Georgia were part of the Russian Empire, and the Georgians, who were one of the most loyal to the Russian government of the Caucasian peoples, especially those professing Orthodoxy, took an active part in the life of the empire. At the same time, it was immigrants from Georgia who made up a significant part of the representatives of the revolutionary movement in the Transcaucasus and in Russia as a whole. There were many Georgians among the Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, Anarchists, and Socialist-Revolutionaries. But if a part of Georgian politicians, primarily of a radical orientation, like their like-minded people from other regions of the empire, did not share nationalist sentiments, then representatives of moderate social democrats were mostly carriers of separatist ideology. It was to them that the main role in the creation of the Georgian Democratic Republic belonged to a greater extent. The Georgian Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries greeted the October Revolution negatively - and in this they were in solidarity with other nationalist forces of Transcaucasia. Moreover, the Transcaucasian Commissariat, created on November 15, 1917 in Tiflis, which carried out the functions of the Transcaucasian government, openly supported anti-Soviet forces in the region.
At the same time, the position of the Transcaucasian Commissariat was rather precarious. Especially in the context of the ongoing First World War. The threat to Transcaucasia from Turkey remained. On March 3, 1918, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed between Russia and its opponents. In accordance with its terms, the lands of Kars, Ardogan and Adjara were transferred under the control of Turkey, which did not suit the leadership of Transcaucasia - the so-called. "Transcaucasian Seim". Therefore, the Seim did not recognize the results of the Brest Peace, which entailed the resumption of hostilities from Turkey. The strengths of the parties were incomparable. Already on March 11, the Turks entered Erzurum, and on April 13 they took Batumi. The Transcaucasian leadership turned to Turkey with a request for an armistice, but the Turkish authorities put forward a key demand - the withdrawal of Transcaucasia from Russia.
Naturally, the Transcaucasian government had no choice but to agree with Turkey's demands. The creation of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federal Republic (ZDFR), independent of Russia, was proclaimed. Thus, there was no question of any struggle for independence from Russia - the history of the sovereignty of the Transcaucasian states in the revolutionary period is inextricably linked only with the forced concessions to the superior in strength of Turkey. By the way, the Turks were not going to stop - despite the withdrawal of the ZDFR from Russia, the Turkish troops occupied almost all the territories that Istanbul claimed. The main formal reason for the advancement of Turkish troops was called concern for the safety of the Muslim population living in the southwestern and southern regions of Georgia - on the territory of modern Adjara, as well as Akhaltsikhe and Akhalkalaki districts.
The Transcaucasian leadership was forced to turn to the "senior partner" of Turkey - Germany, hoping that Berlin would be able to influence Istanbul and the Turkish offensive would be stopped. However, an agreement on spheres of influence was in force between Turkey and Germany, according to which the territory of Georgia, with the exception of its "Muslim" part (Akhaltsikhe and Akhalkalaki districts of Tiflis province), was in the sphere of German interests. The Kaiser's government, interested in the further division of Transcaucasia, recommended that Georgian politicians proclaim the independence of Georgia from the Transcaucasian Democratic Federal Republic. The proclamation of Georgia's sovereignty, according to the German leaders, was a saving step from the final occupation of the country by Turkish troops.
On May 24-25, 1918, the Executive Committee of the National Council of Georgia accepted the recommendation of Germany and on May 26 proclaimed the independence of the Georgian Democratic Republic. On the same day, the Transcaucasian Seim ceased to exist. Thus, as a result of political manipulations by the German and Turkish authorities, “independent” Georgia appeared. The key role in the government of the Georgian Democratic Republic (GDR) was played by the Mensheviks, Socialist Federalists and National Democrats, but then the leadership of the Georgian government passed completely into the hands of the Mensheviks under the leadership of Noah Jordania.
Noah Jordania (1869-1953) in his youth was one of the founders of the Georgian Social Democratic movement, studied at the Warsaw Veterinary Institute, like many other oppositionists, was subjected to political persecution by the tsarist government. During the First World War, he supported the "defensist" line of G. V. Plekhanov.
Naturally, the "independence" of Georgia in such conditions immediately turned into its complete dependence - first on Germany, and then on England. Two days after the proclamation of independence, on May 28, 1918, Georgia signed an agreement with Germany, according to which the three thousandth unit of the German army arrived in the country. Later, German troops were transferred to Georgia from the territory of Ukraine and from the Middle East. In fact, Georgia ended up under the control of Germany - there was no question of real political independence. Simultaneously with permission for the presence of German troops on its territory, Georgia was forced to agree with Turkey's territorial claims, transferring Adjara, Ardahan, Artvin, Akhaltsikhe and Akhalkalaki under its control. At the same time, despite the fact that German troops were stationed on the territory of Georgia, and part of the country was given to Turkey, Berlin did not legally recognize Georgia's independence - it did not want to aggravate relations with Soviet Russia.
Georgia was spared from the German presence by the defeat of Germany in the First World War. However, almost immediately after the withdrawal of German troops from the territory of Georgia, new "strategic partners" appeared - the British. On November 17, 1918, a corps of British troops was transferred to Baku. In total, up to 60 thousand British soldiers and officers were deployed on the territory of the Transcaucasus. It is significant that throughout 1919 the Georgian government, which consisted of local Mensheviks, hoped that Georgia would become a mandated territory of the United States, Great Britain or France, but none of the Western powers wanted to take responsibility for this Transcaucasian country. The independence of Georgia was stubbornly not recognized by the European governments, since the latter hoped for the victory of the Volunteer Army of General A. I. Denikin in the Russian Civil War and did not want to quarrel with the Denikinites.
Internal and external conflicts
Three years of Georgia's independence - 1918, 1919 and 1920 - were marked by constant conflicts both within the country and with the closest neighbors. Despite the fact that Russia did not seem to interfere with the internal development of Georgia, which had proclaimed its independence, it was not possible to stabilize the situation on the territory of the country. From 1918 to 1920 the armed resistance of the Georgian authorities in South Ossetia lasted. Three powerful uprisings followed the refusal of the Georgian government to grant Ossetians the right to political self-determination. Although as early as June 6-9, 1917, the National Council of South Ossetia, which included local revolutionary parties - from Mensheviks and Bolsheviks to anarchists, decided on the need for free self-determination of South Ossetia. Ossetians advocated Soviet power and annexation to Soviet Russia, which was due to the leading role of the Bolsheviks and their left-wing allies in the uprisings in South Ossetia. The last, most large-scale uprising broke out on May 6, 1920, after the proclamation of Soviet power in South Ossetia. On June 8, 1920, the Ossetian detachments managed to defeat the Georgian troops and occupy Tskhinvali. After that, South Ossetia announced its annexation to Soviet Russia, which entailed an armed invasion of Georgia.
In addition to the conflict with the Ossetian population, Georgia entered into an armed confrontation with the Volunteer Army of General A. I. Denikin. The reason for this confrontation was a dispute over Sochi and its environs, which the Georgian leadership considered the territory of Georgia. As early as July 5, 1918, Georgian troops managed to drive the Red Army soldiers out of Sochi, after which the territory temporarily came under the control of Georgia. Despite the fact that Great Britain was considered the main ally of Denikin's people, London's plans did not include the return of Sochi to Russian rule. Moreover, the British openly supported Georgia. However, A. I. Denikin, despite protests and even threats from the British, demanded that the Georgian authorities liberate the territory of Sochi.
On September 26, 1918, the Denikinites launched an offensive against the positions of the Georgian army and soon occupied Sochi, Adler and Gagra. On February 10, 1919, the Georgian troops were pushed back across the Bzyb River. It turned out to be extremely difficult for the Georgian armed forces to fight against the regular Russian army, moreover, it became problematic to maintain control of Georgia and the lands of Abkhazia adjacent to the Sochi district. Denikin declared the territory of Abkhazia also a part of Russia and Denikin's units launched an offensive towards Sukhumi. The success of the Denikinites could not but alarm the Entente. The British intervened, frightened by the rapid offensive of Denikin and the possibility of the revival of a unified Russian state. They insisted on "neutralizing" the Sochi District by deploying British troops there.
Almost simultaneously with the hostilities against the army of A. I. Denikin, Georgia was at war with neighboring Armenia. It was also caused by territorial disputes, and only the intervention of Great Britain made it possible to end hostilities - the plans of the British did not include the mutual destruction of two young Transcaucasian states by each other. On January 1, 1919, a peace agreement was signed between Armenia and Georgia, according to which, prior to the decision of the Supreme Council of the Entente, the northern part of the disputed Borchali district was transferred under the control of Georgia, the southern part - under the control of Armenia, and the central part was proclaimed a neutral territory under the control of the English governor-general. …
Relations with Soviet Russia
All the specified time, neither Great Britain, nor other Entente countries recognized the political independence of Georgia, in the same way, as well as other Transcaucasian states - Armenia and Azerbaijan. The situation changed only at the beginning of 1920, which was associated with the defeat of Denikin's army and the risk of the Bolsheviks advancing into the Transcaucasus. France, Great Britain and Italy, and later Japan, recognized the de facto independence of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia. This was motivated by the need to create a buffer zone between Soviet Russia and the Middle East, divided into the spheres of influence of the Entente countries. But it was already too late - in the spring of 1920, Soviet power was established in Azerbaijan. The Georgian leadership, in a panic, announced the mobilization of the population, being confident that the Soviet leadership would send the Red Army to conquer Georgian territory. However, at this time, the armed conflict with Georgia seemed unprofitable for the Soviet authorities, since an armed confrontation with Poland was brewing, and the question of the defeat of Baron Wrangel's troops in the Crimea remained unresolved.
Therefore, Moscow postponed the decision to send troops from Azerbaijan to Georgia and on May 7, 1920, the Soviet government signed a peace treaty with Georgia. Thus, the RSFSR became the first large state of this level in the world to recognize Georgia's political sovereignty, not in fact, but formally, by concluding diplomatic relations with it. Moreover, the RSFSR recognized Georgian jurisdiction over the former Tiflis, Kutaisi, Batumi provinces, Zakatala and Sukhumi districts, part of the Black Sea province south of the r. Psou. However, after Soviet power was proclaimed in Armenia in the fall of 1920, Georgia remained the last Transcaucasian state outside the control of Soviet Russia. This situation, first of all, did not satisfy the Georgian communists themselves. Since it was they who made up the backbone of supporters of Georgia's annexation to Soviet Russia, it can hardly be said that the establishment of Soviet power in Georgia that took place soon was the result of some kind of “Russian occupation”. Ordzhonikidze or Yenukidze were no less Georgians than Jordania or Lordkipanidze, they simply perceived the future of their country in a slightly different way.
- Grigory Ordzhonikidze, better known as "Sergo", was one of the most ardent supporters of the establishment of Soviet power in Georgia and in Transcaucasia in general, and played a huge role in the "Sovietization" of Georgia. He understood perfectly well that the establishment of Soviet power in Georgia was a major strategic task for Soviet Russia. After all, Georgia, remaining the only non-Soviet territory in the Transcaucasus, was an outpost of British interests and, accordingly, could be considered as a source of anti-Soviet intrigues developed and directed by the British leadership. It should be noted that Vladimir Ilyich Lenin to the last resisted the pressure from his comrades-in-arms, who asserted the need to help the Georgian Bolsheviks in establishing Soviet power in Georgia. Lenin was not sure that the time was ripe for such a swift action and wanted to show some caution.
However, Ordzhonikidze assured Lenin of the readiness of the Georgian population for the recognition of the Soviet regime and decisive actions in support of it. Although Lenin advocated peace negotiations with the Jordanian government, Ordzhonikidze was convinced of the need to bring in Red Army formations to support the Georgian Bolsheviks. He wrote in a telegram to Lenin: "Georgia has finally become the headquarters of the world counter-revolution in the Middle East. The French are operating here, the British are operating here, Kazim Bey, the representative of the Angora government, is operating here. Millions of gold are thrown into the mountains, plundering gangs are created in the border zone with us, attacking our border posts … I consider it necessary to once again emphasize the mortal danger approaching the Baku region, which can only be prevented by the immediate concentration of sufficient forces to Sovietize Georgia."
On February 12, 1921, uprisings broke out in the Borchali and Akhalkalaki districts of Georgia, raised by local Bolsheviks. The rebels captured Gori, Dushet and the entire territory of the Borchali district. The rapid success of the Bolshevik insurgents in the Borchali district led to a change in the position of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. He decided to send aid to the Georgian Bolsheviks in the person of the units of the Red Army.
Creation of Soviet Georgia
On February 16, 1921, the Revolutionary Committee of Georgia, headed by Philip Makharadze, proclaimed the creation of the Georgian Soviet Republic, after which it officially applied for military assistance to the leadership of the RSFSR. Thus, the invasion of the Red Army into the territory of Georgia was only a help to the Georgian people, who created the Georgian Soviet Republic and feared that it would be crushed by the Menshevik government with the support of the British interventionists.
On February 16, 1921, the Red Army crossed the southern border of Georgia and occupied the village of Shulavery. A short-term and swift operation began to support the establishment of Soviet power in Georgia, also called the "Soviet-Georgian war" (however, this name is hardly fair - after all, we are talking about the confrontation between Georgians - Bolsheviks and Georgians - Social Democrats, in which Soviet Russia only provided helping the first so that the revolution in Georgia is not crushed).
It should be noted that the Georgian armed forces in the period under review were quite numerous. They numbered at least 21 thousand servicemen and included 16 infantry battalions, 1 sapper battalion, 5 field artillery battalions, 2 cavalry regiments, 2 automobile squadrons, an aviation detachment and 4 armored trains. In addition, there were fortress regiments that performed the functions of territorial defense. The backbone of the Georgian army was made up of former servicemen of the tsarist army, more precisely, of its Caucasian front, as well as militias and soldiers of the units of the "People's Guard" controlled by the Georgian Social Democrats. Professional soldiers were in charge of the Georgian armed forces. Thus, Major General Georgy Kvinitadze (1874-1970) was a graduate of the Tsar's Konstantinovsky Military School and before the proclamation of Georgia's independence held the post of Quartermaster General of the Caucasian Front.
The units of the Red Army managed to move quickly enough to Tbilisi. To defend the capital, the Georgian command has built a defense line of three groups of troops under the command of Generals Jijikhia, Mazniashvili and Andronikashvili. Under the command of Mazniashvili, 2,500 servicemen, five batteries of light artillery pieces and howitzers, 2 armored cars and 1 armored train were concentrated. Mazniashvili's group managed to defeat the Red Army on the evening of February 18 and capture 1,600 Red Army soldiers. However, the Red Army redirected the blow and the next day attacked the area defended by the cadets of the military school. During February 19-20, artillery battles took place, then 5 guards battalions and a cavalry brigade under the command of General Jijikhi went on the offensive. The Georgian troops again managed to move forward, but on 23 February they returned back to their former lines of defense. On February 24, 1921, the Georgian government headed by Jordania was evacuated to Kutaisi. Tbilisi was abandoned by Georgian troops.
Further development of events looked as follows. Taking advantage of the fighting of the Red Army in Georgia, Turkey decided to satisfy its interests. February 23, 1921Brigadier General Karabekir, who commanded the Turkish contingent in Western Armenia, issued an ultimatum to Georgia, demanding Ardahan and Artvin. Turkish troops entered the territory of Georgia, being close to Batumi. On March 7, the Georgian authorities decided to allow Turkish troops to enter the city, while maintaining control of Batumi in the hands of the Georgian civil administration. Meanwhile, units of the Red Army approached Batumi. Fearing a clash with Turkey, the Soviet government entered into negotiations.
On March 16, Soviet Russia and Turkey signed a friendship treaty, according to which Ardahan and Artvin came under Turkish rule, while Batumi was part of Georgia. Nevertheless, the Turkish troops were in no hurry to leave the territory of the city. Under these conditions, the Georgian Menshevik leadership agreed to conclude an agreement with Soviet Russia. On March 17, Georgian Defense Minister Grigol Lordkipanidze and the plenipotentiary representative of the Soviet government Abel Yenukidze met in Kutaisi, who signed a truce. On March 18, an agreement was signed, according to which the Red Army received the opportunity to enter Batumi. In the city itself, Georgian troops led by General Mazniashvili clashed with Turkish troops. During the street fighting, members of the Menshevik government managed to leave Batumi on an Italian ship. On March 19, General Mazniashvili surrendered Batumi to the revolutionary committee.
After the proclamation of Georgia as a Soviet republic, the Central Executive Committee of Georgia was headed by Philip I. Makharadze (1868-1941). One of the oldest Georgian Bolsheviks, Makharadze came from the family of a priest from the village of Kariskure in the Ozurgeti district of the Kutaisi province. After graduating from the Ozurgeti Theological School, Philip Makharadze studied at the Tiflis Theological Seminary and the Warsaw Veterinary Institute. Even before the revolution, Makharadze began his revolutionary career, repeatedly came to the attention of the tsarist secret police. It was he who was destined to proclaim the creation of the Georgian Soviet Republic and ask for military assistance from the RSFSR.
Of course, disputes about the status of Georgia after the proclamation of Soviet power also took place among the leaders of the Bolshevik Party. In particular, in 1922 the famous "Georgian case" flared up. Joseph Stalin and Sergo Ordzhonikidze proposed the status of simple autonomies for the union republics, including Georgia, while Budu (Polycarp) Mdivani, Mikhail Okudzhava and a number of other leaders of the Georgian Bolshevik organization insisted on creating a full-fledged republic with all the attributes of an independent state, but within the USSR - that is, the transformation of the Soviet Union into a confederate state. It is noteworthy that the latter point of view was supported by V. I. Lenin, who saw in the position of Stalin and Ordzhonikidze a manifestation of "Great Russian chauvinism." Ultimately, however, the Stalinist line won out.
After the Soviet power was established in Georgia, the construction of a new socialist statehood of the republic began. On March 4, 1921, Soviet power was established in Abkhazia - the creation of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Abkhazia was proclaimed, and on March 5, South Ossetia established Soviet power. On December 16, 1921, the SSR of Abkhazia and the SSR of Georgia signed a Union Treaty, according to which Abkhazia was part of Georgia. On March 12, 1922, Georgia became a part of the Federative Union of Socialist Soviet Republics of Zavkazye, on December 13, 1922, it was transformed into the Transcaucasian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic. On December 30, the TSFSR, the RSFSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the BSSR signed an agreement on unification into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. In accordance with the USSR Constitution of 1936The Georgian SSR, the Armenian SSR and the Azerbaijan SSR seceded from the TSFSR and became part of the USSR as separate union republics, and the unified Transcaucasian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic was abolished.
As part of the USSR, Georgia remained one of the most prominent republics, and this is given that it did not have the industrial or resource power of the RSFSR or the Ukrainian SSR. The leaders of the Georgian SSR were almost always selected from among the representatives of the Georgian peoples, moreover, the Georgians played a colossal role in the leadership of the USSR. Even if you do not take the figure of Stalin, who to a large extent distanced himself from his nationality, the percentage of immigrants from Georgia in the top leadership of the USSR, especially during the first three decades of Soviet power, was extremely significant. Many ordinary immigrants from Georgia fought with honor on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War, participated in the construction of Soviet industrial facilities, received a variety of education, and became popularly recognized workers of culture and art. Therefore, it is hardly possible to speak about the very fact of the "Soviet occupation" of Georgia. Until the collapse of the USSR, Georgia was regarded as one of the most prosperous and wealthy union republics.
Recall that during the so-called "occupation" there were no bloody wars on the territory of Georgia, Georgians did not emigrate en masse from the republic, and the republican economy, although it did not have a high level of production and technology development, nevertheless was not in that state, in which she found herself after the collapse of the unified Soviet state. The reasons for the difficult political and economic situation were the result of precisely the desire for "sovereignty", which in reality takes on an anti-Russian orientation in almost all cases. In turning Georgia into a state formation hostile to Russia, the most important role in 1918-1921 and after 1991 was played by the West: Great Britain, and then the United States of America.
