Interstate relations, like people, change little. As soon as the state weakens for some reason, close and distant neighbors immediately recall their claims, hidden grievances and unrealized fantasies. Those who find a neighbor's crisis suddenly have to compose and formulate their demands already in the process. The fate of those whose once strong hands were shackled by weakness is not easy and tragic. Neighbors will not help - unless they will take custody of the territories for an appropriate fee. And there is nothing to oppose to the impudent offenders: instead of infantry columns - flattering letters, instead of armored cavalry - embarrassed ambassadors. And the people may not say their weighty word - behind the labors and troubles they will not notice at all what is happening in the high chambers. And is it not all the same to a simple plowman, under which banners the cavalry rushes, trampling down the cultivated field with such difficulty, or who are the soldiers serving as they audit the simple peasant belongings? Empires and kingdoms are crumbling, crowns and sceptres fall into the mud, and only the cultivator walks unshakably behind the thin horse pulling the plow. But there is a line beyond which the people will no longer be just an observer, a silent extra. And it's good when there are those who take the burden of leading it. Although the power will eventually go to those who stood at a distance, shifting from foot to foot. But that will be later.
The Time of Troubles at the beginning of the 17th century in Russia, without much exaggeration, could be called tragic. A country crumbling before our very eyes, where the vacant place of any power and order was firmly occupied by stakes and axes, and gangs, resembling the size of an army, and armies, strikingly similar to gangs, marched along the roads. Hunger, ruin and death. It seemed to many that the history of Russia had come to its hopeless end. There were all the prerequisites for such conclusions. But everything happened differently. One of those who prevented the country from falling into a skillfully dug abyss was Mikhail Skopin-Shuisky.
From an early age in the military ministry
This military leader came from the Shuisky clan, who are descendants of the Suzdal and Nizhny Novgorod princes. Vasily Shuisky, who lived in the 15th century, had a son, Ivan Skopa, who had estates in the Ryazan region, from whom a branch with the double surname Skopins-Shuisky went. This family gave the country several governors in the 16th century: Skopa's son, Fyodor Ivanovich Skopin-Shuisky, served for a long time on the restless southern borders, opposing regular Tatar raids. The successor of the military traditions (the young noblemen did not really have an alternative) was the next representative - the boyar and prince Vasily Fedorovich Skopin-Shuisky. He fought in Livonia, was one of the leaders of the well-known defense of Pskov against the army of Stefan Batory, and in 1584 he was appointed governor in Novgorod, which was very honorable at that time. Despite their nobility, the members of the Skopin-Shuisky family were not noticed in court intrigues and the struggle for power, and they simply did not have enough time for military concerns. The repressions and disfavor of Ivan the Terrible bypassed them, and Vasily Fedorovich even noted himself in the sovereign's oprichnina court.
Mikhail Skopin-Shuisky continued the tradition of military service. There is little information about his childhood and youth. The future commander was born in 1587. He lost his father early - Vasily Fedorovich died in 1595, and his mother, nee Princess Tateva, was involved in raising the boy. According to the traditions of that time, from childhood, Mikhail was enrolled in the so-called "tsarist tenants", one of the categories of the service rank in the Russian state. Residents were supposed to live in Moscow and be ready for service and war. They also carried out various service assignments, for example, the delivery of letters.
In 1604, Mikhail Skopin-Shuisky was mentioned as a steward at one of the feasts organized by Boris Godunov. During the reign of False Dmitry I, the young man also remains at court - it was Mikhail who was sent to Uglich for the mother of Tsarevich Dmitry, the son of Ivan the Terrible, to come to Moscow and recognize False Dmitry as her son. Russia was going through a difficult time. With the death of Fyodor Ioannovich, the Moscow branch of the Rurikovichs was cut short. Possessing colossal personal power and influence during the life of the tsar, Boris Godunov easily took the vacant position of the monarch. His position was not distinguished by firmness, in addition, a colossal crop failure gave rise to a disaster in the form of the famine of 1601–1603, riots and uprisings.
In the midst of the confusion that was more and more embracing the country in October 1604, the western Russian border, together with Polish troops, mercenaries and seekers of gold and adventure, was crossed by a man who went down in history as False Dmitry I. The character, whose personality raises questions today, is too complicated and ambiguous. After the death of Boris Godunov and the deposition of his son, the resistance to the impostor comes to naught - the armies and cities are sworn to him. In 1605 False Dmitry I entered Moscow under the cheers of the crowd. The reign of False Dmitry I was marked not only by attempts to reform the state apparatus and the administrative system, but primarily by the extraordinary dominance of foreigners who arrived in the capital together with the "miraculously saved prince."
The popular euphoria caused by the arrival of the "real tsar" and the spontaneous destruction of wine cellars and taverns soon subsided. Poles and subjects of other monarchs behaved in Moscow in a businesslike manner, not particularly limiting themselves either in behavior or in ways to improve their financial situation. The nobility of the capital, who had just recently boldly swore allegiance to the impostor and vied with each other, showed her loyalty to him, finally began to think about the consequences and personal prospects. The latter looked more and more gloomy. As a result, the nobility conspired to overthrow False Dmitry I, who at this time continued to celebrate the long-awaited wedding with Maria Mnishek. At the head of the upcoming coup was the boyar Prince Vasily Shuisky. On the night of May 16-17, 1606, their supporters gathered at the Shuiskys' courtyard: boyars, nobles, merchants. Young Skopin-Shuisky was also present here. About a thousand of Novgorod noblemen and fighting serfs arrived in the city. Moscow bells sounded the alarm, a crowd of people, armed with anything, rushed to the Kremlin. Her energy was redirected by the conspirators to the Poles, they say, "Lithuania wants to kill the boyars and the tsar." Throughout the city, massacres began against the Poles who had annoyed everyone for a long time.
While the embittered people were exterminating foreigners, who, out of obvious naivety, believed themselves to be masters of the Muscovites, the conspirators seized and killed False Dmitry. As expected, Vasily Shuisky ascended the throne. After that, the life and career of Mikhail Skopin-Shuisky underwent significant changes. And not at all because of, albeit distant, but family ties. Contemporaries, primarily foreigners who communicated with Skopin-Shuisky, describe him as an intelligent person, judicious beyond his years and, above all, knowledgeable in military affairs. Mikhail Vasilyevich himself did not leave any notes, memoirs, or any other written sources about himself to his descendants. His short life was entirely devoted to military and state affairs, which in the conditions of Russia at the beginning of the 17th century was one and the same.
Against the Internal Troubles
Rumors that the "tsarevich", or rather, the tsar miraculously escaped, began to spread again among the population the very next day after his assassination. Even showing the tortured body for several days did not help. Cities and entire regions began to emerge from the centralized subordination of Moscow. A large-scale uprising began under the leadership of Ivan Bolotnikov, in scope and number of participants more reminiscent of a civil war. The rebel army of many thousands, which even had artillery at its disposal, moved to Moscow. The government troops sent to meet Bolotnikov were defeated.
On behalf of Tsar Vasily, Skopin-Shuisky, together with the boyar Boris Tatev, at the head of the new army, were sent to block the rebels from the shortest path to the capital. In the fall of 1606, a stubborn and bloody battle took place on the Pakhra River - Skopin-Shuisky managed to force Bolotnikov to retreat and move to Moscow by a longer route. Nevertheless, the rebels laid siege to the capital. Skopin-Shuisky is located in the city and receives the appointment of a vylazy voivode, that is, his function was to organize and carry out sorties outside the fortress walls. The prince also distinguished himself during a big battle in December 1606, as a result of which Bolotnikov was forced to lift the siege and retreat to Kaluga. The actions of the young commander were so successful that he was appointed commander of the entire army advancing towards Tula, where the rebels retreated from Kaluga.
In mid-July, on the outskirts of this city, a major battle took place between the tsarist troops and the rebels. This time Bolotnikov took up a defensive position beyond the Voronya River, whose swampy banks were reliable protection from the noble cavalry, in addition, the rebels built numerous notches. The battle lasted three days - numerous cavalry attacks were repulsed by the defenders, and only when the archers were able to cross the river and make out some of the marks, the outcome of the battle became certain. Both sides suffered significant losses, Bolotnikov retreated to Tula, which he decided to defend to the last opportunity.
Numerous troops were drawn to the city, Vasily Shuisky himself arrived at the camp. The siege was prolonged and cost the parties great casualties. While some Russians were killing others, a new danger arose on the Seversk side, in the city of Starodub. Rumors about the salvation of False Dmitry were persistently exaggerated among the people. And not just rumors. The ranks of the "miraculously saved princes" were steadily replenished with new members and significantly outnumbered the modest society of the children of the later famous lieutenant. Most of the "princes" ended their careers in the basements of local governors and governors, or in the nearest taverns. And only a few were destined to go down in history.
The man, better known as False Dmitry II, managed to convince the Starodubians of his authenticity. An important role was played by letters of appropriate content with calls to go to Moscow, where "there will be a lot of good." False Dmitry II behaved confidently, gave out a lot of promises and promised great benefits to his supporters. From Poland and Lithuania, sensing the opportunity to weigh down the skinny wallets, various adventurers, poor gentry and other personalities flocked down without special rules. From near Tula, from Bolotnikov, ataman Zarutsky arrived as a delegate, who recognized False Dmitry II as a "real tsar", for which he was introduced to the pocket "Boyar Duma", which met in Starodub. In September 1607, he began active operations. Bryansk greeted the impostor with a bell ringing, Kozelsk, where a lot of booty was taken, was taken by storm. With the first successes, supporters began to flock to False Dmitry. Vasily Shuisky, who was under the besieged Tula, at first did not attach any importance to the appearance of another "son of Ivan the Terrible", and then the unaddressed problem from a regional one quickly turned into a state one. Tula was finally taken after a difficult and stubborn siege, but there was a fight ahead of the impostor, whose appearance more and more resembled a foreign intervention.
For his successful activities during the siege of Tula, the tsar granted Mikhail Skopin-Shuisky a boyar rank. Throughout the winter of 1607-1608. he spends in Moscow, where he marries Alexandra Golovina. Soon, Tsar Vasily Shuisky himself will marry, and Mikhail was among the guests of honor at the wedding. However, the time for the festivities quickly came to an end - the strengthened False Dmitry II in the spring of 1608 began to take action. The tsar's brother Dmitry Shuisky with an army of 30,000 was sent to meet him. In April, a two-day battle took place near Bolkhov, in which government troops were defeated. The incompetence and cowardice of Dmitry Shuisky led to defeat, the loss of all artillery and almost the entire convoy. After the victory, many cities went over to the side of the impostor.
The king was forced to send a new army, which was now led by Skopin-Shuisky. The instructions given to him said that the enemy must be met on the Kaluga road, along which the army of False Dmitry is supposedly moving. However, this information turned out to be incorrect. The army took up positions on the banks of the Neznan River between the cities of Podolsk and Zvenigorod. However, it turned out that the enemy was moving further south, following a different path. The opportunity arose to strike at the flank and rear of the impostor's army, but then new difficulties arose. In the army itself, ferment began on the topic of joining the "true king." Some of the boyars did not mind taking part in the conspiracy and were at the stage of transition from theory to practice. In such difficult circumstances, Skopin-Shusky showed will and character - the conspiracy was strangled in the bud, the guilty were sent to Moscow.
Soon an order came from the capital from the king to return. Vasily Shuisky felt the precariousness of his position and wanted to have armed force at hand. False Dmitry quite successfully approached Moscow, but he did not have the forces and means to siege such a large and well-fortified city. Maneuvering for some time in the vicinity, the impostor, not without the help of his many Polish advisers and strategists, chose the village of Tushino as his main base. There was a somewhat stalemate situation: the Tushins could not take Moscow, and Shuisky did not have enough strength to eliminate the wasp's nest that had grown in size. It was necessary to look for help in other regions of the country, primarily in the still not devastated Novgorod lands. For this difficult and dangerous mission, the tsar chose the most trusted, courageous and talented person. This man was Mikhail Skopin-Shuisky.
To the north
Around Moscow itself, detachments of Tushins and simply gangs of various sizes and nationalities operated in abundance. In fact, regular communication with other regions of the country was interrupted. There was no definite information about which city remained faithful and which was deposited. The mission of Skopin-Shuisky had to make their way to Novgorod by deaf forest paths, not showing too much to anyone's eyes. Time was running out - one of the "field commanders" of the impostor Yan Sapega seized Rostov, the power of False Dmitry was recognized by Astrakhan and Pskov. Upon arrival in Novgorod, Skopin-Shuisky received information that the situation in the city was not stable. It became known about the transition to the side of the impostor of Pskov and Ivangorod. Fearing an open revolt, the Novgorod governor Mikhail Tatishchev insisted on leaving Novgorod. Having heeded the admonitions of the governor, on September 8, 1608 Skopin-Shuisky left the city.
Soon, riots really began there: supporters of the central government and the impostor fought among themselves. In the end, the government party won, and a delegation was sent to Skopin-Shuisky, located near Oreshk, with an expression of loyalty and loyalty to the tsar. The voivode returned to the city already as the sovereign representative of the tsar; very soon he would actually become the head of the entire Russian north. The danger that had arisen was quickly realized in Tushino, and the Polish Colonel Kerzonitsky with a detachment of four thousand was sent to Novgorod. Having trampled near the city for two months and having ruined the surroundings to their fullest, the Tushins were forced in January 1609 to curl up and retreat.
Armies from other cities were drawn up to Novgorod, people who were tired of the foreign lawlessness that were happening in the country also came. In fact, in the center of Russia, only Moscow was under the rule of the tsar, and entire regions either recognized the impostor as tsar, or were close to it. However, the vigorous activity of the organization in Tushino had an impact and made an impression more than piles of royal letters with calls to fight the impostor. False Dmitry's accomplices did not disdain the dirtiest and most bloody deeds, and on a massive scale. Little by little, even the most enthusiastic supporters of the next "tsarevich" began to fall from the eyes of an enthusiastic veil, since the people of Tushino tried to do this on a grand scale. Cases of armed resistance to invaders and looters became more frequent - more and more often gangs saw before them not in fear of scattering peasants and their screaming wives, but armed militias. Already in the autumn of 1608, the reverse process began. Representatives of the impostor are beginning to be expelled from many cities and villages.
In Novgorod, Skopin-Shuisky had to solve a very difficult task. Indeed, the uprising against the hated impostor and his European patrons and accomplices widened, the number of people ready to take up arms increased. However, these were still scattered detachments, loose, poorly armed and poorly organized. They only had to become an army. By the spring of 1609, Skopin-Shuisky was able to organize, form and bring to an operational state a five-thousandth army from the available human resources. Gradually Novgorod became the center of resistance to the impostor and foreign intervention. As early as February 1609, representatives of the tsarist government were sent to the insurgent cities along with armed detachments, thus, control over spontaneous uprisings on the ground was concentrated in the hands of Skopin-Shuisky and acquired an increasingly organized character.
Prince Mikhail Skopin-Shuisky meets the Swedish governor De la Gardie near Novgorod in 1609.
The problem was that the governor still did not have a large and well-trained army to give the enemy a battle in the field. The available forces were enough for the defense of Novgorod, but no more. Then Tsar Vasily authorized Skopin-Shuisky to negotiate with the representatives of Sweden in order to attract her army for military operations against the impostor and the Poles. On February 28, 1609, a Russian-Swedish treaty was signed in Vyborg, according to which the Swedes pledged to put a 15,000-strong army under the direct subordination of Skopin-Shuisky for an impressive amount of one hundred thousand rubles a month. In addition, Russia ceded the city of Korel with the county to Sweden. In early March, the Swedish army, consisting mainly of European mercenaries under the command of Jacob De la Gardie, entered Russia. From the very beginning, De la Gardie acted unhurriedly, stalling for time, demanding an advance payment and provisions. Only the persistence and strength of character of Skopin-Shuisky, combined with a certain amount of hard-hitting coin, forced the allies to do more productive work than bivouac entertainment. The vanguard of the Russian-Swedish army marched towards Staraya Russa in May and soon captured it.
To Moscow
Jacob De la Gardie, commander of the Swedish mercenaries
May 10, 1609the main forces under the command of Skopin-Shuisky set out from Novgorod, while the Swedes also left their camp. The Russian army was heading towards Torzhok along the Moscow road, De la Gardie was moving through Russa. On June 6, both armies united. The importance of the advantageously located Torzhok was understood by both Russians and Tushins. In order to prevent the further advance of Skopin-Shuisky's troops to Torzhok, the detachments of Pan Zborovsky were sent, who, after the infusion of other formations operating in the area into his army, eventually had 13 thousand infantry and cavalry. Intelligence in time informed the command about the actions of the Poles, and reinforcements were sent to Torzhok - Russian warriors and German infantry of Evert Horn.
On June 17, 1609, a battle took place near the walls of the city, in which 5-6 thousand people took part on each side - Pan Zborowski began the case with the traditional attack of the Polish heavy cavalry, which, however, drowned, hitting the dense formation of German mercenaries. However, the Poles managed to crush the Russian and Swedish cavalry standing on the flanks and drive them to the fortress walls. Only a bold sortie of the Torzhok garrison was able to neutralize this success of the enemy, and he retreated. Pan Zborovsky declared the battle of Torzhok his victory, after which he promptly retreated to Tver. He did not fulfill the assigned task - the offensive of the Russian-Swedish troops continued, Torzhok could not be recaptured.
On June 27, the entire army of Skopin-Shuisky was concentrated in Torzhok, where it was reorganized into three regiments - large, forward and guard. Foreign mercenaries were no longer one large contingent, but were evenly distributed among the regiments and were under the command of Russian governors. The next target was Tver. The army left Torzhok on July 7, and on July 11 crossed the Volga ten miles from Tver. The invaders also concentrated their forces in the area of the city: all the same Pan Zborovsky stationed 8-10 thousand people here, who stood in fortified positions near the walls of Tver.
Skopin-Shuisky's plan was to cut off the enemy from the fortress walls, press him to the Volga and crush them. But Zborowski attacked first, using his excellent heavy cavalry. And again, the Poles managed to disperse the Russian and Swedish cavalry, which was intended for a cut-off strike. Horse attacks against the infantry standing in the center did not bring success to Zborovsky - the battle lasted more than 7 hours, the Poles and Tushinians returned to their camp. On July 12, both armies put themselves in order.
The battle resumed on 13 July. The allied infantry managed to break the stubborn resistance of the enemy and break into his fortified camp. The decisive success was brought by the blow of the reserve - the attack was personally led by Skopin-Shuisky himself. Zborovsky's army was overturned and fled. She suffered heavy losses, numerous trophies were captured. The victory was complete. However, a foreign factor came into play here. The mercenaries of De la Gardie did not show much interest in a further campaign deep into Russia, some of them insisted on an immediate assault on Tver, hoping to get a lot of booty. Since the army did not have siege artillery, the first attacks were naturally repulsed. Leaving the foreign contingent to smash their heads against the Tver walls, Skopin-Shuisky marched with the Russian part of the army to Moscow.
Not reaching 150 km to the capital, the voivode was forced to return. Firstly, information was received that Zborovsky, covering the path to Moscow, received significant reinforcements, and soon hetman Jan Sapega approached him, taking command. Secondly, it became known that the mercenaries camped near Tver rebelled. Returning under the walls of Tver, the voivode found the complete decomposition of the foreign contingent, demanding money, production and return home. De la Gardie could not, and did not particularly want to cope with the situation. Realizing that now he can only rely on his own forces, the voivode left the camp near Tver on July 22 and, having crossed the Volga, moved to Kalyazin. Only a thousand Swedes performed with him. The camp near Tver actually disintegrated - only De la Gardie, faithful to the instructions of the Swedish king, retreated to Valdai with 2 thousand soldiers, covering the road to Novgorod. The Swedes really wanted to get the money owed to them by Korel under the contract.
New army, new victories
On July 24, 1609, the Russians entered Kalyazin. Since there were no longer enough troops for a field battle, the voivode ordered the field camp to be well fortified, protecting it from surprise attacks. Reinforcements were coming to him from different directions, and by August, according to the Poles, Skopin-Shuisky had at least 20 thousand people. In Tushino they could not ignore this, and on August 14, near Kalyazin, Jan Sapega became a camp with 15-18 thousand soldiers. In cavalry, the invaders had an overwhelming superiority, both in quantity and quality.
On August 18, the Poles launched an attack on the Russian positions. At first, heavy cavalry repeatedly piled on the fortifications of the camp, then the infantry took its place. The Russian defense could not be shaken or lured out of the defenders from behind the fortifications. Yan Sapega, being an experienced commander, decided to use a roundabout maneuver. On the night of August 19, enemy infantry began to cross the Zhabnya River in order to deliver a surprise attack to the rear of the defenders. However, Skopin-Shuisky foresaw such a maneuver of the Poles and, as soon as the sentinels posted in advance announced the appearance of the enemy, he threw his best detachments against him. The sudden blow came as a complete surprise to the Poles - they were so sure that they had managed to sneak in secretly. They were overturned, crossed Zhabnya and drove to the camp. Only the intervention of the Polish cavalry saved Sapega from complete defeat. Sapega was forced to retreat to Pereslavl-Zalessky.
In the battle of Kalyazin, the Russians proved that they could win without the large-scale participation of foreign mercenaries. However, Skopin-Shuisky still had a lot to do to transform his brave, but insufficiently trained army into a strong modern army. It was based on the so-called. "Dutch tactics" owned by De la Gardie, who himself fought in the Netherlands. Russian soldiers were taught not only the handling of weapons, but also exercises in the ranks. Much attention was paid to the construction of field fortifications of wood and earth instead of the traditional walk-town. Skopin-Shuisky developed an ebullient activity in relation to the financial side of the matter: he sent convincing letters to cities and monasteries, from where they began to send monetary donations and payments to the army. At the end of September, the Swedes returned to the camp near Kalyazin under the command of Delagardie - Tsar Vasily confirmed his decision to transfer Korela. The combat capability and size of the Russian army were at their best, which made it possible to start the autumn campaign.
On October 6, 1609, Skopin-Shuisky freed Pereslavl-Zalessky from the Tushins, on October 10 entered the Aleksandrovskaya Sloboda. The active actions of the Russians made the enemy think about the consequences and take action. On October 27, Yan Sapega appeared at the Aleksandrovskaya Sloboda with 10 thousand troops, and on October 28, a battle took place. And again the Poles attacked the Russian fortified camp - each time with more and more losses. Russian archers fired at them from behind the fortifications, and the flinching enemy was attacked by the Russian cavalry. The victory brought Skopin-Shuisky popularity not only among the military and the people. Some boyars began to express the idea that such a person was more worthy of the royal throne than Vasily, who had locked himself in Moscow. The prince was a man of great modesty and suppressed such conversations and proposals.
The end of the battle path
The successes of the Russian army were reflected not only in Moscow, but also in Tushino. Taking advantage of the agreement between Russia and Sweden as a pretext, the Polish king Sigismund III in the fall of 1609 declared war on the king. False Dmitry II became an increasingly decorative figure, the need for him became less and less. Confusion began in Tushino, the impostor was forced to flee to Kaluga. Skopin-Shuisky did not weaken the onslaught, forcing Sapega, after a series of battles, to lift the siege from the Trinity-Sergius Monastery on January 12, 1610 and retreat to Dmitrov. The threat to Moscow was eliminated.
Ivanov S. V. "Troubled times"
The Russian army began the blockade of Dmitrov. On February 20, they managed to lure some of the Poles into the field and defeat them. Sapieha's position became more and more difficult, and on February 27, having destroyed heavy artillery and ordered to set fire to the city, the remnants of the Polish army left Dmitrov and moved to join with King Sigismund III. On March 6, 1610, the Tushino camp ceased to exist, and on March 12, the Russian army triumphantly entered Moscow.
We met Skopin-Shuisky solemnly and with honors. The tsar lavished courtesy in words, but in fact was openly afraid of the colossal popularity of his nephew. Glory did not turn the voivode's head - he was seriously preparing for the spring campaign against King Sigismund, regularly conducting exercises. Jacob De la Gardie strongly advised his commander to leave the city as soon as possible, since he would be safer in the army than in the capital. The denouement came faster: at the feast on the occasion of the christening of the son of Prince Ivan Vorotynsky, Skopin-Shuisky drank the cup presented to him by the wife of the tsar's brother, Dmitry Shuisky. Her name was Ekaterina, she was the daughter of Malyuta Skuratov. After that, the commander felt bad, he was taken home, where, after two weeks of torment, he died. According to another version, the prince died of a fever, and the poisoning story became the fruit of idle speculation, given his popularity.
One way or another, Russia lost its best commander at that time, and soon this affected in the most unfavorable way. The clouds of great turmoil, which had begun to dissipate, again thickened over Russia. It took more years and incredible efforts to expel the invaders and invaders from the borders of the Fatherland.
