D. Shmarin. The tragedy of the Crimea. Shooting of white officers in 1920. 1989 year
The "Red Terror" in the Crimea, left by the troops of Baron P. N. Wrangel, was destined to become a bloody epilogue to the drama of the Civil War in the South of Russia. It is not yet possible to accurately estimate the number of his victims: according to the most conservative estimates, it is 12-20 thousand people; according to Maximilian Voloshin, over the winter of 1920/1921. 96 thousand were shot; there are also estimates of 100-150 thousand people1. And these are only the dead. Someone was "lucky" more and managed to survive, going through prisons and concentration camps.
Unprecedented is the concentration among the repressed of those categories of the population that in any society make up its elite: military, political and intellectual. Officers, officials and chief editors of newspapers, patrons and doctors, students and course students. A relative of V. I. Vernadsky, historian and geologist A. M. Fokin, in his memoirs conveyed the experiences of the great scientist, who returned in 1921 with his family from the Crimea, seized by the Red Terror: “Many victims were briefly acquainted with Vernadsky. not justified. I recalled Lavoisier's head cut off by a guillotine 2.
The leaders of the punitive actions were the chairman of the Crimean revolutionary committee Bela Kun, secretary of the Crimean regional committee of the RCP (b) R. S. Zemlyachka, heads of special departments of the Cheka, fronts and armies E. G. Evdokimov, V. N. Mantsev, K. Kh. Danishevsky, N. M. Bystrykh and others. Peru, one of them, the leader of the Crimean Bolsheviks Rosalia Samoilovna Zemlyachki (1876-1947), who earned the nickname "Demon" among her fellow party members, belongs to the letter included in this publication.
R. S. Countrywoman (Samoilova) nicknamed the Demon. Photo: Homeland
It would be naive, however, to assume that the flywheel of repression was launched and worked hard for several months without instructions and signals from the very top. This is confirmed by the telegrams of F. E. Dzerzhinsky to his subordinates, and the awards that were awarded to the leading participants in the Red Terror shortly after their return from business trips to the Crimea. The position of V. I. Lenin. Even before the final victory, on November 12, 1920, after learning about the appeal of the commander of the Southern Front M. V. Frunze to the Wrangelites with offers of surrender and subsequent full amnesty, Ilyich was irritated by the "exorbitant compliance with the conditions." He ordered Frunze, in the event that White did not accept these conditions, not to repeat them again and mercilessly deal with the enemy. Later, on December 6, 1920, Lenin, speaking at a meeting of the activists of the Moscow Party organization, declared that “there are 300,000 bourgeoisie in Crimea now. This is the source of future speculation, espionage, and any help to the capitalists. take them, distribute them, subdue them, digest them "4.
The "digestion" of the representatives of the "counter-revolution" and "exploiting classes" turned out to be so large-scale in scope that it caused a considerable number of protests from the Bolsheviks themselves and their sympathizers. A widely known report was drawn up in April 1921 by M. Sultan-Galiev, a representative of the People's Commissariat for Nationalities Affairs, addressed to the People's Commissar I. V. Stalin on the situation in the Crimea. The author condemned “the too widespread use of the Red Terror in Crimea”, noted that “there were a lot of working elements among those shot,” and stated that “such a reckless and cruel terror left an indelibly heavy reaction in the minds of the Crimean population” 5.
The second of the documents published below fits into a number of similar testimonies, which recorded the details of the Bolsheviks' policy in the post-Wangel Crimea. This is a letter to the Central Committee of the RCP (b) of the Crimean Bolshevik Semyon Vladimirovich Konstsov. A well-known scientist and practicing doctor, author of works on epidemiology, organizer of the first Russian medical and bacteriological laboratory in Astrakhan, he devoted many years to work at the Central Marine Medical Observation Station in Feodosia, was the head of the Pasteur station at her. After the occupation of the Crimea by the Bolsheviks in 1920, S. V. Konstantov acted as a doctor of the Special Department of the Feodosia Revolutionary Committee, senior doctor of the 3rd Simferopol Insurgent Regiment and witnessed the extermination of the disabled and sick, who were taken to the place of execution from the Red Cross hospital. An attempt to protest led to his arrest by officers from the Special Section of the 9th Division. The merits of the doctor during the years of the revolution helped. Participant of the first Tauride conference of the RSDLP (b) in 1917 and one of the leaders of the military revolutionary committee of Feodosia in 1917-1918. was soon released, after which he went from Feodosia to Simferopol, and from there to Moscow, where he submitted his views on the Red Terror at the discretion of the Central Committee6.
Both documents were taken from the inventory 84 of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party (F. 17), which includes documents from the Secret Department and the Bureau of the Secretariat of the Central Committee. The documents are published without abbreviations, in accordance with the norms of the modern Russian language, stylistic features are preserved.
The publication was prepared by the chief specialist of RGASPI Evgeny Grigoriev
F. E. Dzerzhinsky (center) with a group of brushmen. To his left is the head of the Special Department of the South-Western and Southern Fronts V. N. Mantsev. Photo: Homeland
No. 1. Letter to R. S. Compatriots in the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (b)
December 14, 1920
In the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP.
Dear comrades! I take the opportunity to convey to you all our needs in a letter, which, I know, will surely fall into your hands. I am very sorry that I personally cannot convey to you all the complexities that exist in Crimea.
I'll start with the setting. The bourgeoisie left here its most dangerous fragments - those who are imperceptibly absorbed into our environment, but do not dissolve in it. A sufficient number of counterrevolutionaries remained here, despite the round-ups that we carried out here and the cleansing perfectly organized by Mantsev7. They have too many opportunities, thanks to all the difficult environment that surrounds Crimea.
In addition to the irresponsibility, complete inertia of the Tatar poor peasants, there is, and I would say, first of all, connivance, poor awareness of the moment and too much connection between our workers and the petty and even the big bourgeoisie. Their pupils dilated from the Red Terror and there were cases when at the meetings of the Revolutionary Committee and the Regional Committee proposals were made to free one or another large beast only because he helped one of them with money, an overnight stay. There were cases in the localities that responsible workers (I replaced the secretary of the Sevastopol Committee, etc.) resorted to declaring that they were relinquishing their duties, etc. the Mensheviks and the bourgeoisie (not specialists) to penetrate into all areas of work and seize - first the trade unions, the second8 the entire apparatus of Soviet construction. In relation to the former, we declared a merciless struggle, which leads nowhere, for the Mensheviks are repainted as communists, while in relation to the Soviet bourgeoisie, the purge gave such results in the main apparatus of the Crimean Revolutionary Committee: 2/3 were transferred to the Special Department, the rest were partly removed, partly work with sin in half.
The workers were not at all involved in organizational work before our arrival. No work was done among the masses. The local underground organization found itself completely cut off from the proletarian masses9.
We suffer tremendously here from the dispatch from various places of self-seekers and invalids. It comes to the point that the regiment commander sends a communist to the Crimea to work. All of these are selfish, worthless audience. We sent a number of telegrams demanding not to send people to us without a request from our side. But people arrive, and I send many back.
Today I finally received an instruction from you and a letter from Nick [olai] Nick [olayevich] 10. With the point of view of the Central Committee 11 (about autonomy), the Oblast Committee completely agrees.
From this letter it is clear that for some reason the Central Committee is completely unaware of the composition of the Regional Committee and the Crimean Revolutionary Committee. The first includes me, Bela Kun12 and Nemchenko13, approved by you, and afterwards sent to us by Dm [ytriy] Il [ich] Ulyanov14. We co-opted the Tatar Ibraim15 and Comrade Lide16. Comrades are included in Krymrevkom. Bela Kun, Lide, Gaven17, Idrisov18 and Firdevs19 co-opted there.
Nemchenko leaves the Regional Committee for Moscow, according to his request. He is a good and honest worker, but he cannot organically cease being a Menshevik. And a party member since 192020. From the material, with this attached, you will see our attitude towards him. Ibraim is very weak21. Dm [ytriy] Il [yich] is busy with his sanatorium affairs. Comrade Lide remains Bela Kun's deputy. All the work falls on me. There is almost no one to rely on. Work in Krymrevkom is now starting to improve. The device is there. The line too. But the periphery and support are weak due to all of the above.
With regard to the main task facing Crimea - the creation of an All-Russian health resort22, nothing has been done yet. The bacchanalia in this respect is complete. I've thrown a fair amount of people into this job, but I doubt they'll be well used.
Now one of the most painful questions is the question of the 4th Army23. She drinks and is engaged in robberies, almost together with the commanders and commissars24. And we are, of course, powerless against this, since no political work is being carried out in this army. Nachpoarm 425 Shklyar, in our general opinion, is completely incapable of organizing such a responsible work. In addition, he has now been appointed Zamlena of the Revolutionary Military Council and left Crimea. Army management is extremely weak. The Revolutionary Military Council exists on paper. The parts are cut off from the center and left to themselves. There is no certainty that they will not be in the Makhno camp tomorrow. Our common opinion is that attention should be paid to this aspect as well. The special department of the army is completely unable to cope with its work. It is imperative that Comrade Evdokimov26 return to Crimea, otherwise we will have severe difficulties in the very near future.
Our biggest cry is about Northern workers, not self-seekers and not invalids27. It is necessary to close the doors to Crimea for all loafers, otherwise Crimea will perish. There are already enough worthless people pounding here.
We insistently ask Bela Kun to return it to us.
The official report, more detailed, I am sending at the same time.
With comradely greetings
R. Samoilova-Zemlyachka 28.
RGASPI. F. 17. Op. 84. D. 21. L. 29-33.
Script. Autograph.
Secret encryption of F. E. Dzerzhinsky to the leadership of the Cheka of Ukraine with an order to isolate White Guard elements in Crimea. After her, the Red Terror began on the peninsula. Photo: Homeland
No. 2. Letter to S. V. Konstansov to the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the RCP (b)
December 26, 1920
To the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the RCP.
In Crimea, from the 20th of November of this year. the Red Terror was established, which took on extraordinary proportions and took the form of terrible forms.
In this regard, I consider it my moral and party duty to present my views to the discretion of the Central Committee of the RCP.
The circumstances under which the establishment of terror in Crimea took place are as follows.
The first days after the entry of Soviet troops into the Crimea passed relatively calmly, except for the massive plunder of the population by the entered cavalry. But since this robbery was carried out without much violence and murder, the population reacted to it quite easily and soon reconciled with it. Immediately after the occupation of the Crimea, the registration of all military personnel who served in Wrangel's army was announced. The population reacted to this registration without much fear, since it was counting, firstly, on the announcement of the Revolutionary Military Council of the 4th Army, which entered the Crimea, that the officers who voluntarily remained in Crimea were not in danger of any reprisals and, secondly, - to the invitation, published on behalf of the Revolutionary Committee of the Crimea, - to calmly remain in place for all rank-and-file officers who did not take an active part in the struggle against Soviet power, and they were guaranteed complete immunity. During this registration of the military, which took place in Feodosia from November 15 to 18 this year, all the military were detained; some of them, as far as I know, were sent by rail, most likely to a concentration camp. This dispatch of some officers after the first registration took place, at least in Feodosia - under the most humane conditions: I took part in it as a doctor and employee of the Special Department of the local revolutionary committee and senior doctor of the 3rd Simferopol Insurgent Regiment. I was instructed by the commandant of the city to inspect the officers intended for dispatch and to select from this party: 1) all patients who are sent to the hospital, 2) all the disabled and the elderly (over 50 years old), 3) all local residents who had families in the city. I was then instructed by the commandant to make sure that all those sent were dressed; the order was given to disinfect the old military dress that turned out to be in the warehouses of the city and to put on it the undressed. And only after that the officers were sent. The remaining officers of the above three categories were granted amnesty, which was greeted not only by the officers and the population of the city, but also by the workers with a feeling of deep satisfaction and bright joy as an act of the highest humanity and nobility of the Soviet government, not taking revenge and not following in the footsteps of the White Guards in this respect. I enclose herewith "News of the Feodosia Military Revolutionary Committee" dated November 25 of this year. 3, which contains a statement of amnesties addressed to the Feodosia Revolutionary Committee and the head of the garrison29.
But then, shortly after that, just a few days later, the Red Terror began in Crimea. It seemed that nothing foreshadowed him, and he was completely unexpected not only for officers and the population, but also for party workers and party committees.
The chairman of the Crimean Revolutionary Committee, Bela Kun, is one of the leaders of the punitive actions. Photo: Homeland
Two or three days after the end of the first registration of the military, a new registration was appointed, which was carried out by the Special Commission for the Registration of the 6th Army30 and Crimea; along with the military, lawyers, priests, and capitalists were also subject to this registration. All the military, just registered and amnestied, were required to re-appear for registration. Registration took several days. All those who appeared for registration were arrested, and then, when the registration was over, mass executions began immediately: those arrested were shot in a herd, all the time, in a row; at night, parties of several hundred people were taken out to the outskirts of the city and here they were shot.
Among those shot were officers, workers, doctors, minor military officials, Soviet employees, both sick and healthy - indiscriminately. In Feodosia, 29 people were taken out to be shot - sick and disabled, put on the eve of the hospital (29th Red Cross). The execution was surrounded by incredibly harsh conditions: those who were to be shot were first stripped almost naked and in this form were sent to the place of execution; here, apparently, the shooting was carried out directly into the crowd. The outskirts of the city echoed with the screams and groans of the wounded. In addition, as a result, perhaps, of shooting into a dense crowd, many of those shot were not killed, but only slightly wounded: after the end of the shooting, all these people fled to the outskirts of the city and were hidden by the population; some of the wounded then ended up in hospitals, workers petitioned for them, some turned out to have relatives among the Red Army men, who also joined the general protest and indignation. The day after the execution, the wives, mothers, and fathers of the executed were sent to the place of execution, searched for various things belonging to the executed (scraps of linen, documents, etc.), rummaged through the piles of corpses, looking for their own, while incredible rumors circulated around the city that that among the corpses dumped into the pit were alive and lightly wounded, which were removed by relatives from under the pile of corpses, etc. As a result of all this, the cry and groans of the population spread throughout the city on the one hand, and despair and anger on the other.
The total number of those shot, according to circulating rumors, reaches incredible numbers: in the city of Feodosia - more than 2,000 people, in Simferopol - more than 5,000, etc.
Deeply convinced that the Soviet power, based on broad strata of the proletariat and peasantry, and strong by those great principles thanks to which it triumphed and which underlie it, does not at all need the Red Terror for its protection and that the slogan of terror was given not from the center - I first made an attempt to combat this phenomenon on the spot, hoping that my revolutionary and party experience (I was the first chairman of the Military Revolutionary Committee in Crimea in 1918, organizer and chairman of the party organization in Feodosia in 1917, then sat in prison for about 1 1/2 years, was brought before a military court and sentenced to 16 years of hard labor) - it will make my task easier for me, but ended up being I was arrested and imprisoned by the Special Department of the 9th Division, 31 and only the speech of the local party committee freed me from arrest. My attempt did not lead to any results: the issue of terror could not even be brought up for discussion in local party organizations - for example, in the Feodosia party committee, I was told that the party committee was powerless to do anything, and I was advised to go to Simferopol to clarify the issue. In Simferopol, I turned to the deputy chairman of the Crimean Revolutionary Committee, comrade. Gaven, who told me that he himself is of the uselessness and even harm of the Red Terror in Crimea at the present time, but that he is not able to do anything in this direction. I also spoke about this with Comrade Dmitry Ilyich Ulyanov, who also did not share terror, but could not tell me anything definite. In the Simferopol regional party committee, I could not get a meeting with the secretary, comrade. Samoilova: after a series of attempts over the course of two days, I received from Comrade. Samoilova, through her assistant, is notified that she cannot receive me at this time. In Simferopol, it was pointed out to me (by comrade Gaven and others) that the only way to influence the use of terror in Crimea was to travel to Moscow for a report, which I decided to do, considering it my party duty.
In conclusion, let me say in a few words that, of course, it goes without saying that the entire policy - foreign and domestic - of the Soviet government cannot be otherwise considered and evaluated, but only from the point of view of the interests and prospects of the revolution and Soviet power; it is necessary to look at terror from the same point of view. And I allow myself to think that it is at the present moment, when Soviet power has won a brilliant victory on all fronts, when not only a single civil war front, but not a single open armed enemy remains on the entire territory of Russia, - the use of terror at this time from the above point of view, it is unacceptable.
And all the more so as there are absolutely no elements left in Crimea, the struggle against which could require the establishment of the Red Terror: everything that was irreconcilably opposed to the Soviet regime and capable of fighting fled from Crimea. Only those elements (ordinary officers, petty bureaucrats, etc.) remained in Crimea who themselves suffered from the Wrangel regime and were waiting for Soviet power as their liberator. These elements remained in Crimea all the more easily because, on the one hand, they did not feel any guilt before the Soviet government and sympathized with it, and on the other, they trusted the assurances of the Command of the 4th Army and the Crimean Revolutionary Committee.
The Red Terror, which fell so unexpectedly on the head of the Crimean population, not only darkened the great victory of Soviet power, but also introduced into the population of Crimea that bitterness that would not be easy to get rid of.
Therefore, I would consider it necessary to immediately raise the question of taking possible measures aimed at quickly eliminating the consequences and traces of the terror used in Crimea and, at the same time, finding out what caused its use in Crimea.
Member of the Constance Party 32.
RGASPI. F. 17. Op. 84. D.21. L. 25-28 ob.
Script. Autograph.
Feodosia. Monument to the victims of the Bolshevik terror. Photo: Homeland
Notes (edit)
1. See: A. G. Zarubin, V. G. Zarubin. No winners. From the history of the Civil War in Crimea. 2nd ed. Simferopol, 2008. S. 691-692.
2. "The Vernadskys' craving for people has never weakened." Memories of A. M. Fokin about N. E. Vernadskoy // Historical archive. 2015. N 6. P. 84. This refers to the outstanding French chemist A. L. Lavoisier (1743-1794), executed by a revolutionary tribunal.
3. From the history of the Civil War in the USSR. Sat. doc. and mate. T. 3. M., 1961. S. 432-433.
4. Lenin V. I. Full collection Op. T. 42. M., 1963. S. 74.
5. Sultan-Galiev M. Selected Works. Kazan, 1998. S. 325-326.
6. In 1921 S. V. Konstantov took part in the work of the Plenipotentiary Commission of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR for Crimea, which was actively involved, among other things, in investigating the abuse of power structures during the period of the Red Terror (see, for example: Teplyakov A. G. Chekists of Crimea in the early 1920s. // Questions of history. 2015. N 11. S. 139-145). About the work of S. V. Konstasov in the commission and the dissatisfaction of the Feodosia Ukom with its activities, see: RGASPI. F. 17. Op. 13. D. 508.
7. Mantsev Vasily Nikolaevich (1889-1938) - head of the state security agencies. In the Cheka since 1918, in 1920 - the head of the Special Department and the rear of the South-Western and Southern Fronts, in 1921-1923. - Chairman of the All-Ukrainian Cheka, Chairman of the GPU of the Ukrainian SSR, People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR and a member of the board of the OGPU of the USSR. Repressed.
8. So in the text.
9. What follows is a text written in black ink; the preceding part is written in green ink.
10. Krestinsky Nikolai Nikolaevich (1883-1938) - party and statesman. In 1917-1921. - Member of the Central Committee of the party, in 1918-1922. - People's Commissar of Finance of the RSFSR, in 1919-1921. - Secretary of the Central Committee, in 1919-1920. - Member of the Politburo and Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). Repressed.
11. "With the point of view of the Central Committee" - underlined in pencil.
12. Kun Bela (1886-1939) - party leader. In 1918 - the organizer of the Hungarian group of the RCP (b), in 1919-1920. - An active figure in the Hungarian Socialist Republic. In 1920 - a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front, chairman of the Crimean Revolutionary Committee. Since 1921 in the Executive Committee of the Comintern. Repressed.
13. Nemchenko Pavel Ivanovich (1890-1937) - political and trade union leader, one of the leaders of the Crimean Mensheviks, since 1920 - a Bolshevik. In 1920 - a member of the Crimean Regional Committee of the RCP (b). Since 1921, in trade union work. Repressed.
14. Ulyanov Dmitry Ilyich (1874 - 1943) - statesman, younger brother of V. I. Lenin. In Crimea since 1911, he worked as a sanitary doctor. In 1918 - a member of the editorial board of the newspaper "Tavricheskaya Pravda", in 1919 he headed the government of the Crimean SSR, in 1920-1921. - Member of the Crimean Regional Committee of the RCP (b), head of the Central Department of the resorts of the Crimea. Since 1921 - in Moscow.
15. Deren-Ayerly Osman Abdul-Ghani ("Ibrahim") (1888 -?) - Party and statesman. In the party since 1918, in 1920 he was a member of the Crimean regional committee, organizer of the Muslim section. In 1924-1926. - Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Crimean ASSR. Repressed.
16. Lide (Lide) Adolf Mikhailovich (1895-1941) - party leader. In 1920 - a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the 9th Army, the 13th Army and the 4th Army of the Southern Front, a member of the Crimean Revolutionary Committee and the Bureau of the Crimean Regional Committee of the RCP (b); in 1921 - executive secretary of the Crimean regional committee of the RCP (b).
17. Gaven Yuri Petrovich (present Dauman Ya. E.) (1884-1936) - party and statesman. Since 1917one of the leaders of the Crimean Bolsheviks, in 1919 - Chairman of the Crimean Regional Committee of the RCP (b) and People's Commissar of Internal Affairs, in 1920 - a member of the Crimean Revolutionary Committee, in 1921-1924. - Chairman of the CEC of the Crimean Republic. Repressed.
18. Idrisov Suleiman Izmailovich (1878 - not earlier than 1934) - People's Commissar of Agriculture in the government of the Crimean SSR in 1919, in 1912-1921. member of the Crimean Revolutionary Committee and head of the Crimean Land Department. Repressed.
19. Firdevs (real Kerimdzhanov) Ismail Kerimovich (1888-1937) - Commissioner for Foreign and National Affairs of the Republic of Taurida (1918), People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the Crimean SSR in 1919, in 1920 a member of the Crimean Revolutionary Committee, in 1920-1921 … head of the commissariat of public education. Repressed.
20. The phrase "And a member of the party since [19] 20" is inscribed by the author at the top.
21. The phrase "very weak" is underlined in pencil.
22. November 29, 1920 V. I. Lenin sent the People's Commissar of Health N. A. to the Crimea. Semashko for examination of medical institutions. Upon his return from the trip, Semashko prepared a draft decree on the transformation of the Crimea into an All-Russian proletarian health resort. The SNK decree "On the use of Crimea for the treatment of workers" was signed by V. I. Lenin December 21, 1920
23. The 4th Army of the Southern Front (formed on October 22, 1920, disbanded on March 25, 1921) took an active part in hostilities against the troops of P. N. Wrangel in the Crimea and the elimination of N. I. Makhno.
24. The words "together with commanders and commissars" are inscribed by the author at the top.
25. Nachpoarm 4 - head of the political department of the 4 army.
26. Evdokimov Efim Georgievich (1891-1940) - the head of the state security agencies. In the Cheka since 1919, in November 1920 - January 1921. Head of the Special Department of the Southwestern and Southern Fronts, at the same time the head of the Crimean shock group. Repressed.
27. So in the text.
28. On the last sheet of the document there is a stamp of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) indicating the number of the incoming letter (N 21749) and the date of December 29, 1920, on the first sheet of the document there are notes "29 / XII" and "Krestinsky" and a number of later marks.
29. The issue of the newspaper with the statement of the amnestied, who cannot find "words to express feelings of admiration and gratitude to the humanitarian attitude of the representatives of the authorities and the Soviet army to us", has been preserved in the archive (RGASPI. F. 17. Op. 84. D. 21. L. 20-20 rev).
30. The 6th Army of the Southwestern, Southern Front (formed on August 19, 1920, disbanded on May 13, 1921) took part in battles against the troops of P. N. Wrangel, during the Perekop-Chongar operation, acted in the main direction, then fought against the detachments of N. I. Makhno.
31. The 9th Infantry Division in November-December 1920 was part of the 4th Army, participated in the Perekop-Chongar operation of the Southern Front, the capture of Feodosia and Kerch.
32. On the last page, the resolution of the secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) E. A. Preobrazhensky: "Comrade Bela Kun! Please read and comment on this document. E. Preobrazhensky." Litter below: "Preobrazhensk." and the "Secret Archive".
