Korea
Between Russia, China and Japan, there was a relatively small Korean kingdom. Korea has long been in the sphere of influence of China, was afraid of the Japanese, and at the end of the 19th century it began to come under the influence of European powers and Russia. The Japanese, on the other hand, traditionally viewed the Korean Peninsula as a strategic foothold from which to attack Japan itself. In Japan, they remembered how in the 13th century the "Mongol" Khan Kublai, heir to the huge empire of Genghis Khan, created a powerful fleet and sailed from the Korean shores to capture Japan. Then only the "divine wind" saved Japan from a terrible invasion.
At the end of the 16th century, the Japanese themselves tried to seize Korea. The talented and warlike shogun Toyetomi Hideyoshi decided to invade Korea. An armada of 4 thousand ships landed 250 thousand ships on the peninsula. landing. The Japanese successfully operated on land, but the Korean Admiral Li Sunsin created the "iron ship" - the world's first battleships-kobuksons ("turtle ships"). As a result, the Korean navy won a complete victory at sea, which made the invasion Japanese army's ties to the island bases problematic. Korea was saved, Lu Songxing went down in history as a "sacred hero", "savior of the fatherland."
In the last decades of the 19th century, Korean kings tried to maintain their independence by maneuvering between China, Japan, Russia, the United States, Britain and France. At the royal court, there were pro-Japanese, pro-Chinese, pro-Russian parties, which constantly fought, intrigued, trying to increase their influence in Korea. Russia began to influence Korea in 1860, when, according to the Beijing Treaty, Russian possessions reached the Korean border. Already in 1861 Russian ships entered the port of Wonsan on the northeastern coast of the peninsula. In 1880 and 1885. Russian ships visited Wonsan again. Then the idea arose to create an ice-free Port of Lazarev here for the Russian Pacific Fleet. However, under pressure from Britain, this idea had to be abandoned.
Japan first tried to subjugate Korea using economic methods, subjugating its economy. But in the 1870s and 1880s, Japan began to exert military pressure on Korea. Relations between the two countries have escalated. In 1875, the Koreans fired at Japanese ships. In response, the Japanese landed troops, seized coastal forts, and demanded special rights. Under the treaty of 1876, Japan received trade privileges and the right of extraterritoriality. In 1882, Japanese officers arrived in Seoul to reorganize the Korean army, that is, to turn it into an appendage of the Japanese armed forces. Korea was to become the first Japanese colony to create its own colonial empire and sphere of influence.
However, this did not suit China, which traditionally viewed Korea as its vassal. The Chinese ambassador to Seoul, Yuan Shikai, did his best to restore China's influence in Korea. To counterbalance Japanese influence, the Chinese advised the Korean government to expand ties with Western powers. In the 1880s, the first European diplomats arrived in Seoul. In 1882, a friendship treaty was signed with the United States, then similar treaties were signed with European countries. Such an agreement was signed with Russia in 1883.
The impudent actions of foreigners caused an explosion in 1883, and the Japanese ambassador escaped in a British ship. In response, 1885the Japanese sent troops to Korea. But China did not want to give up its positions and sent its military contingent. Across the Yalu River, the Chinese began to arm the Korean army, built a number of fortifications in the country, and strengthened trade ties. In Tokyo, the question arose - is Japan ready for a full-scale war? As a result, it was decided that Japan was not yet modernized enough, military reforms were not completed in order to compete with the Celestial Empire. In addition, China has received an unexpected ally. France expressed dissatisfaction with Japanese pressure in Korea and strengthened its fleet in the region. The conflict was settled by the signing of a peace treaty in Tianjin, according to which most of the troops of both countries were withdrawn from Korea, which from that moment was actually under a joint Japanese-Chinese protectorate.
Meanwhile, Russia has again begun to strengthen its position in the region. At the same time, negotiations were held with the Korean king and the Japanese. Field Marshal Yamagato arrived for the coronation of Nicholas II. The Japanese offered the Russians to divide Korea along the 38th parallel. But Petersburg was interested in an ice-free port in the southern part of the peninsula. In addition, at this time, Russia had all the trump cards: the Korean king often hid in the Russian mission and asked for a detachment of Russian guards to send military and financial advisers and a Russian loan. Therefore, the Japanese were refused. A group of military advisers was sent to Korea to train the royal guard and several Russian battalions. The Russians began to infiltrate the state structures of Korea. The Koreans were offered money to build a railway. At the same time, far from all the opportunities opened up for Russia in Korea were used. With more decisive pressure and skillful actions, Korea could become a protectorate of the Russian Empire.
Thus, the position of Russia has been seriously strengthened at the expense of Japan. Japan was allowed to retain only 200 gendarmes in Korea to guard the telegraph line, and 800 soldiers guarding Japanese residents in Busan, Wonsan and Seoul. All the rest of the Japanese military had to leave the peninsula. As a result, the Russian Empire deprived the Japanese elite of the dream of turning Korea into its colony. And the subjugation of Korea was supposed to be the first step towards the creation of the Japanese colonial empire, dominant in Asia. Moreover, the Russians began to squeeze the Japanese out of the strategic foreground, which greatly offended Japan. In subsequent years, gaining a foothold in Manchuria-Zheltorosiya and receiving a concession on the Yalu River, Russia began to claim the role of regional leader, which made a conflict with Japan inevitable.
Celestial
During this period, China was still formally a great Asian power, a colossus with a population of 400 million and enormous resources. However, the Celestial Empire was let down by aloofness from scientific and material progress, contemplation and contempt for the "barbarians" who needed only gold. China has historically lagged behind the West in science and technology and has become its victim. Beijing was unable to start a successful modernization like Japan did. The reforms carried out were not integral, systemic, and wild corruption hindered. As a result, the country lost its internal integrity, became vulnerable in the face of European predators, and then the transformed Japan. The terrible corruption and degradation of the Chinese elite further weakened the ancient empire. Europeans, Russians and Japanese easily bought the highest dignitaries.
Thus, a huge power became a victim. The Opium Wars of 1839-1842 and 1856-1860 made China a semi-colony of Britain and France. The Celestial Empire lost some key territories (Hong Kong), opened its internal market for European goods, which caused the degradation of the Chinese economy. The flow of opium sold by the British to China, which was quite significant even before the war, increased even more and led to a gigantic spread of drug addiction among the Chinese, mental and physical degradation and the mass extinction of the Chinese people.
In 1885, the Franco-Chinese war ended with a French victory. China recognized that all of Vietnam was controlled by France (Vietnam was in the sphere of influence of the Celestial Empire since ancient times), and all Chinese troops were withdrawn from Vietnamese territory. France was granted a number of trade privileges in the provinces bordering Vietnam.
The Japanese struck the first blow on China in 1874. Japan claimed the Ryukyu Islands (including Okinawa) and the Chinese Formosa (Taiwan), which historically belonged to China. As a pretext for the outbreak of hostilities, Japan used the killing of Japanese subjects (fishermen) by Taiwanese natives. Japanese troops captured the south of Formosa and demanded that the Qing dynasty take responsibility for the killings. Thanks to the mediation of Great Britain, a peace agreement was concluded: Japan withdrew its troops; China recognized Japan's sovereignty over the Ryukyu archipelago and paid an indemnity of 500 thousand liang (about 18.7 tons of silver).
The next conflict between the two Asian powers began in 1894 and was much more serious. Korea became a pretext for the Japanese-Chinese confrontation. Japan already felt strong and decided to launch its first serious campaign. In June 1894, at the request of the Korean government, China sent troops to Korea to suppress a peasant uprising. In response, the Japanese sent an even larger contingent and staged a coup in Seoul. On July 27, the new government turned to Japan with a "request" to expel Chinese troops from Korea. The Japanese attacked the enemy.
Ironically, this war was the dress rehearsal for the Russo-Japanese War. The Japanese fleet began hostilities without a declaration of war. A general battle between the Japanese and Chinese fleets took place in the Yellow Sea. Japanese troops landed at the Korean port of Chemulpo, and then near Port Arthur. After an intense bombardment, the Chinese fortress of Port Arthur was taken from land by Japanese troops. The surviving Chinese ships were blocked by the Japanese at the Weihaiwei naval base. In February 1895, Weihaiwei surrendered. In general, the Chinese were beaten in all decisive battles. The Japanese army and navy opened the road to Beijing, which decided the outcome of the campaign.
Source: Marine Atlas of the USSR Ministry of Defense. Volume III. Military-historical. Part one
The main reasons for the defeat were: the degradation of the Chinese elite - instead of fulfilling the military program, Empress Cixi and her entourage preferred to spend money on new palaces; bad command; poor organization, discipline, motley troops, outdated equipment and weapons. The Japanese, on the other hand, had decisive and talented commanders; prepared the country, the armed forces and the people for war; skillfully exploited the enemy's weaknesses.
Unable to continue the war, the Chinese signed the infamous Treaty of Shimonoseki on April 17, 1895. China recognized the independence of Korea, which created favorable opportunities for Japanese colonization of the peninsula; transferred to Japan forever the island of Formosa (Taiwan), the Penghu Islands (Pescadore Islands) and the Liaodong Peninsula; paid an indemnity of 200 million lian. In addition, China opened a number of ports for trade; gave the Japanese the right to build industrial enterprises in China and import industrial equipment there. Japan received the same rights as the United States and European powers, which sharply raised its status. That is, China itself was now part of Japan's sphere of influence. And the capture of Formosa-Taiwan, the first colony of Japan, made it the only non-European colonial power in Asia, which significantly accelerated the growth of imperial ambitions and colonial claims in Tokyo. The indemnity was spent on further militarization and preparation of new conquests.
Battle at the mouth of the Yalu River (from Japanese engraving)
Russian intervention
At the first stage of the Sino-Japanese conflict, the Russian Foreign Ministry took a wait-and-see attitude. At the same time, the Russian press foresaw the danger of the successes of the Japanese Empire for the interests of Russia. Thus, Novoye Vremya (July 15, 1894) warned of the danger of Japan's victory, the seizure of Korea and the creation of a “new Bosphorus” in the Far East, that is, the blocking of Russian sea communications in the Far East by Japan. Japan's claims to Korea, aggressive statements by certain ideologues in favor of separating Siberia from Russia provoked harsh statements by Novoye Vremya (September 24, 1894). Exchange Vedomosti spoke out in favor of dividing China between the Western powers and called for the "curb" of Japan.
On February 1, 1895, a special meeting was convened in St. Petersburg under the chairmanship of Grand Duke Alexei Alekseevich to resolve the issue of Russia's actions in the current situation. The complete victory of the Japanese Empire was not in doubt, but it was not known what Japan would demand, how far the Japanese would go. Japanese diplomats kept the claims secret. At the meeting, Grand Duke Alexei Alekseevich said that "the constant successes of Japan now make us fear a change in the status quo in the Pacific and such consequences of the Sino-Japanese clash, which could not have been foreseen by the previous meeting." The meeting was meant on August 21, 1894. Therefore, the meeting was to discuss measures that "should be taken to protect our interests in the Far East." It was necessary to act jointly with other powers or to proceed to independent steps.
In the course of the discussion, two political positions emerged clearly. One was to take advantage of the defeat of China and compensate for Japan's successes with any territorial seizures - to obtain an ice-free port for the Pacific squadron or to occupy part of Northern Manchuria for a shorter Siberian railway route to Vladivostok. Another position was to rebuff Japan under the banner of protecting Korea's independence and the integrity of China. The main goal of such a policy is not to allow Japan to gain a foothold near the Russian borders, to prevent it from taking possession of the western coast of the Korean Strait, closing Russia's exit from the Sea of Japan.
In general, the ministers spoke out against immediate intervention. The weakness of the Russian fleet and ground forces in the Far East was the main deterrent. The meeting decided to reinforce the Russian squadron in the Pacific so that "our naval forces were as significant as possible than the Japanese." The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was instructed to try to conclude an agreement with Britain and France on collective influence on Japan if the Japanese, when making peace with China, violate the essential interests of Russia. At the same time, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had to take into account that the main goal is "to preserve the independence of Korea."
In March 1895, Tsar Nicholas II appointed Prince A. B. Lobanov-Rostovsky as Minister of Foreign Affairs. The new minister asked the leading European powers about the possibility of a joint diplomatic action aimed at curbing Japanese appetites. Great Britain refrained from interfering in the affairs of Japan, but Germany unconditionally supported the Russian Empire. Wilhelm II, approving the draft telegram to St. Petersburg, emphasized that he was ready to do it without England, relations with which Germany had already seriously heated up by that time. Russia was also supported by France, which had its own interests in Asia.
In the beginning, Tsar Nicholas adhered to a relatively soft position in relation to Japan, which corresponded to the peaceful position of Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky. The prince feared to exert strong pressure on Tokyo, depriving the Japanese of a chance to gain a foothold on the mainland. He wanted to point out to Japan "in the most benevolent manner" that the seizure of Port Arthur would become an insurmountable obstacle to the establishment of friendly relations between Japan and China in the future, and that this seizure would become an eternal hotbed of controversy in the East. However, gradually, when the Japanese successes became obvious, the king moved to the position of a more decisive party. Nicholas II was attracted by the idea of obtaining an ice-free port in the southern seas. As a result, the tsar came to the conclusion that “for Russia, an open and operating all year round port is absolutely essential. This port should be located on the mainland (in the southeast of Korea) and should be annexed to our possessions by a strip of land."
Witte at this time came out as a decisive supporter of helping China, which many in Russia viewed as a Russian-sponsored state. “When the Japanese receive their six hundred million rubles as an indemnity from China, they will spend it on strengthening the territories they have received, gain influence over the highly warlike Mongols and Manchus, and after that they will start a new war. Given this turn of events, the Japanese mikado may - and it becomes probable - become the emperor of China in a few years. If we now allow the Japanese into Manchuria, then the defense of our possessions and the Siberian road will require hundreds of thousands of soldiers and a significant increase in our navy, since sooner or later we will come to a clash with the Japanese. This poses a question for us: what is better - to reconcile with the Japanese seizure of the southern part of Manchuria and strengthen after the completion of the construction of the Siberian road, or to get together now and actively prevent such a seizure. The latter seems to be more desirable - not to expect the straightening of our Amur border, so as not to get an alliance between China and Japan against us, to definitely declare that we cannot allow Japan to seize southern Manchuria, and if our words are not taken into account, be ready to take appropriate measures."
Russian Finance Minister Witte noted: “It seemed to me that it was extremely important not to allow Japan to invade the very heart of China, to firmly occupy the Liaodong Peninsula, which occupies such an important strategic position. Accordingly, I insisted on intrusion into the treaty affairs of China and Japan. Thus, Witte was one of the main initiators of Russia's intervention in the affairs of China and Japan. And for Japan, Russia has become the main adversary.
On April 4, 1895, the following telegram was sent to the Russian envoy in Tokyo from St. Petersburg: “Having considered the peace conditions that Japan deigned to present to China, we find that the annexation of the Laotong (Liaodong) Peninsula, demanded by Japan, would be a constant threat to the Chinese capital, would make ghostly independence of Korea and would be a constant obstacle to the long-term calm in the Far East. Please be pleased to speak in this sense to the Japanese representation and advise him to abandon the final mastery of this peninsula. We still want to spare the pride of the Japanese. In view of this, you must give your step the most friendly character and must enter into an agreement on this with your French and German colleagues, who will receive the same instructions. In conclusion, the dispatch noted that the commander of the Pacific squadron had received orders to be prepared for any accident. In addition, Russia began mobilizing the troops of the Amur Military District.
On April 11 (23), 1895, representatives of Russia, Germany and France in Tokyo simultaneously, but each separately, demanded that the Japanese government abandon the Liaodong Peninsula, which led to the establishment of Japanese control over Port Arthur. The German note was the harshest. It was drafted in an offensive tone.
The Japanese Empire could not withstand the military-diplomatic pressure of the three great powers at once. The squadrons of Russia, Germany and France, concentrated near Japan, had a total of 38 ships with a displacement of 94.5 thousand tons against 31 Japanese ships with a displacement of 57.3 thousand tons. In the event of the outbreak of war, the three powers could easily increase their naval forces, transferring ships from other regions. And China in such conditions would immediately resume hostilities. A cholera epidemic broke out in the Japanese army in China. In Japan, the military party led by Count Yamagato soberly assessed the situation and persuaded the emperor to accept the proposals of the three European powers. On May 10, 1895, the Japanese government announced the return of the Liaodong Peninsula to China, receiving in return from China an additional contribution of 30 million liang. This forced concession was perceived in Japan as humiliation, and made it easier for society to prepare for a future clash with Russia and then Germany.
It should be noted that Germany very actively supported all the political actions of the Russian Empire in the Far East. Kaiser Wilhelm II wrote to Tsar Nicholas: “I will do everything in my power to maintain calm in Europe and protect the rear of Russia, so that no one can interfere with your actions in the Far East”, “..that is a great task for the future for Russia is the business of the civilized Asian continent and the protection of Europe from the invasion of the great yellow race. In this matter, I will always be your assistant to the best of my ability. Thus, Kaiser Wilhelm bluntly made it clear to the Russian tsar that Germany “will join any actions that Russia deems necessary to take in Tokyo in order to force Japan to abandon the capture of not only southern Manchuria and Port Arthur, but also located in the southwestern the coast of Formosa of the Pescadores”.
It was extremely beneficial for Berlin to distract Russia from European affairs and gradually weaken ties between Russia and France. In addition, Germany, in alliance with Russia, wanted to get its own "piece of the pie" in China. At the end of his message to Nicholas II, the German emperor noted: “I hope that, as I will willingly help you settle the issue of possible territorial annexations for Russia, you will also be favorable to Germany acquiring a port somewhere where it will not“hinder” you". Unfortunately, Petersburg did not use this auspicious moment to strengthen ties with Berlin, which could break the alliance with France, which was fatal for Russia, which was in the interests of Britain. Although a very fruitful and dangerous for the Anglo-Saxons strategic alliance between Germany and Russia could have developed.
Signing of the Shimonoseki Treaty
